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931.
How do natural disasters affect electoral participation? The existing social science literature offers contradictory predictions. A considerable body of research in sociology and psychology suggests that traumatic events can inspire pro-social behaviour, which might increase turnout. Yet, political science has long held that even minor changes to participation costs of low benefit activities can lead to considerable drops in civic engagement. Consequently, natural disasters should reduce electoral participation. We show how these distinct views can be jointly analysed within the Riker–Ordeshook model of voting. This paper then reports results on the impact of the 2002 and 2013 floods in Germany on turnout in federal and state elections in Saxony and Bavaria, conducted few weeks after the floods. Analysing community level turnout data, and drawing on a difference-in-differences framework, we find that flood exposure has a consistent negative effect on turnout. This indicates that the increase in the costs of voting outweighed any increase in political engagement in our case and stands in contrast to findings from developing contexts, where flood management was convincingly linked to electoral participation. 相似文献
932.
933.
934.
Patrick Salmon 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):208-223
Norsk utenrikspolitikks historie (The History of Norwegian Foreign Policy), (6 vols., Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1992–97), NOK 298 per volume. Vol.1: Narve Bjørgo, Øystein Rian and Alf Kaartvedt, Selvstendighet og union. Fra middelalderen til 1905 (1995), pp.416. Vol.2: Roald Berg, Norge på egen hånd 1905–1920 (1995), pp.401. Vol.3: Odd‐Bjørn Fure, Mellomkrigstid 1920–1940 (1996), pp.434. Vol.4: Jakob Sverdrup, Inn i storpolitikken 1940–1949 (1996), pp.389. Vol.5: Knut Einar Eriksen and Helge Pharo, Kald krig og internasjonalisering 1949–1965 (autumn 1997), Vol.6: Rolf Tamnes, Oljealder 1965–1995 (autumn 1997). 相似文献
935.
936.
Teresa Weber 《Journal für Rechtspolitik》2012,20(2):137-154
Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird untersucht, inwiefern die Ausgestaltung des Rechtsschutzes beim direkten Vollzug von EU-Recht mit der Aarhus-Konvention vereinbar ist. Anlass für diese Darstellung gibt eine Entscheidung des Aarhus Convention Compliance Committees, welches die Einhaltung der Konvention durch die Vertragsparteien überprüft. Zu diesem Zweck werden die ma?geblichen Bestimmungen der Aarhus-Konvention, insb Art 9, dargestellt. An diesen Vorgaben werden in weiterer Folge die sekund?rrechtliche Umsetzung dieser Bestimmung durch die VO 1367/2006/EG sowie die entsprechenden prim?rrechtlichen Rechtsschutzm?glichkeiten (Art 263 AEUV) gemessen. Im Ergebnis bestehen in Spezialbereichen des europ?ischen Umweltrechts wohl noch Umsetzungsdefizite, die aber m?glicherweise durch mitgliedsstaatliche Rechtsbehelfe ausgeglichen werden k?nnen. Rechtsquellen: übereinkommen von Aarhus über den Zugang zu Informationen, die ?ffentlichkeitsbeteiligung an Entscheidungsverfahren und den Zugang zu Gerichten in Umweltangelegenheiten (Aarhus-Konvention), BGBl III 88/2005 相似文献
937.
938.
It has long been suspected that, when asked to provide opinions on matters of public policy, significant numbers of those surveyed do so with only the vaguest understanding of the issues in question. In this article, we present the results of a study which demonstrates that a significant minority of the British public are, in fact, willing to provide evaluations of non-existent policy issues. In contrast to previous American research, which has found such responses to be most prevalent among the less educated, we find that the tendency to provide 'pseudo-opinions' is positively correlated with self-reported interest in politics. This effect is itself moderated by the context in which the political interest item is administered; when this question precedes the fictitious issue item, its effect is greater than when this order is reversed. Political knowledge, on the other hand, is associated with a lower probability of providing pseudo-opinions, though this effect is weaker than that observed for political interest. Our results support the view that responses to fictitious issue items are not generated at random, via some 'mental coin flip'. Instead, respondents actively seek out what they consider to be the likely meaning of the question and then respond in their own terms, through the filter of partisan loyalties and current political discourses. 相似文献
939.
Patrick Hayden 《Human Rights Review》2010,11(4):451-467
The centenary of Hannah Arendt’s birth in 2006 has provided the catalyst for a body of literature grappling with the legacy
of her thought, especially the question of its enduring political relevance. Yet this literature largely excludes from consideration
a significant aspect of Arendt’s legacy, namely, her account of evil and its devastating political reality. This article contends
that the neglect of Arendt’s understanding of the dynamic reality of evil unnecessarily delimits the opportunities her legacy
affords to diagnose forms of evil today. In particular, I propose that Arendt’s notion of evil and her unique insight into
its dynamic reality remain very much pertinent in light of a globalizing world where the conditions of extreme deprivation
and exclusion have become thoroughly bound up with the structurally unequal conditions of the global political economy. The
persistent global poverty knowingly reproduced in and through policies and practices of economic globalization effectively
renders vast numbers of people superfluous and “rightless,” resulting in a distinctive form of political evil. I conclude
that more attention should be paid to the deeper pertinence of Arendt’s concepts of evil, human superfluousness, and rightlessness
for contemporary political life. 相似文献
940.
Patrick Emmenegger 《Scandinavian political studies》2010,33(3):271-294
Flexicurity has become a prominent policy recommendation in recent years. However, little is known about the actual development of flexicurity in the country most often associated with it – namely Denmark. This is particularly the case for one of the three ‘pillars’ of flexicurity: low levels of job security regulations. This article fills this gap in the scholarly literature. It demonstrates that regime attributes are often not the result of policy making by wise policy designers, but unintended consequences of contingent choices made with the purpose of winning short‐term political gains. Comparing the development of job security regulations in Denmark and Sweden, the article shows that the two countries followed a similar path until the late 1960s. In both, job regulations were part of collective agreements. However, in the 1960s the labour movement started to demand more restrictions, which resulted in the 1974 Employment Protection Act in Sweden. No such change happened in Denmark. Two crucial differences can explain this unequal development. First, societal pressure for regulation was larger in Sweden than in Denmark. And second, the Swedish labour movement was stronger and more unified. When the Danish trade union movement could have turned to the political arena, the 1973 ‘earthquake’ election and the resulting fragmentation of the party system closed the window for all‐left majority governments in Denmark. Without reliable partners to the left and no majority of their own, Danish Social Democrats were not able to pass restrictive job security regulations against the will of employers' associations. 相似文献