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881.
882.
Devolution and the associated mechanisms of governance—a power-sharing Executive, elected assembly, cross-border bodies, a reformed system of public administration and civic engagement —are a part of the wider mosaic of peace-building. Their implementation is an attempt to institutionalize stability and copper-fasten a political settlement. This article outlines the changing governmental arrangements existing within Northern Ireland, as it has shifted tentatively away from direct rule. It maps the wider public sector in Northern Ireland, including civil administration (chiefly the Northern Ireland Civil Service), an extended mosaic of nondepartmental public bodies (NDPBs) and other public agencies that, together with local government, form a complex, multi-layered, subregional governance. Our contention is that the manner in which the administration of Northern Ireland has been conducted yields fruitful insights into issues of territorial management in other areas afflicted by intractable constitutional wrangles and attendant violence. In short, an agreed system of governance is integral to the transition from conflict to peace (or at least stability) and, in the case of Northern Ireland, was central to the substance of the Belfast Agreement, characterized by a power-sharing Executive. 相似文献
883.
Paul Wilkinson 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):51-64
The author begins by challenging Michel Wieviorka's dismissal of the claim that there is a symbiotic relationship between terrorism and the media. Terrorists' manipulation and exploitation of the media is shown to play a crucial part in their propaganda war. The article concludes by arguing that voluntary self‐restraint and self‐regulation by the media are the best policy options for a democratic society in regard to the media's response to terrorism, but that the mass media need to work harder at devising measures of self‐restraint that are both appropriate and effective. 相似文献
884.
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886.
Edward Johnson 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(3):227-255
From 1954 to 1958, the Greek government sought to raise the issue of self‐determination for Cyprus at the United Nations as a means of pressing for the union of the island with the Greek state ‐ enosis. The British government's objective was to ensure if possible that Cyprus was not debated using the legal argument that it was a domestic issue in which the UN had no rights. The British accepted, however, that other political and strategic arguments would be needed to defeat the Greeks and looked to the US government to support them in the UN forums. This article examines the positions of the British and Americans governments and shows the difficulties which the issue created for both in the UN in the period. 相似文献
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888.
Paul C. Godfrey 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(6):1071-1091
This essay examines the similarities between Plato's Republic and Barnard's Functions of the Executive.The essay argues that comparisons between Barnard and Plato are not overstated in form or substance. Three major areas of each work are compared: the ethical foundations, the political foundations, and the role of education in achieving those political means. Implications arising from the comparison are discussed and the essay concludes by linking the Barnard-Plato dialogue with current issues in management theory and practice. 相似文献
889.
Edward B. Lewis 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(2):135-165
The article addresses a deficiency in previous studies of city managers role behavior: the lack of a comprehensive, multidimensional typology through which such behavior might be categorized and explained. Utilizing factor scores generated from a list of fifteen questions in an I.C.M.A. survey questionnaire, the author uses a hierarchial grouping technique to produce seven profiles of managers role behavior. Personal, environmental, and attitudinal correlates are examined to round out each profile. 相似文献
890.
The United States government has no elections office and does not attempt to administer congressional and presidential elections. The responsibility for the administration of elections and certification of winners in the United States national elections rests with the states. The states divide election administration responsibilities between state and local election officials, whose objective is an efficiently administered honest election, with the ballots correctly tabulated. The formal structure of election administration in the United States is not capable of providing tirely results of the presidential and congressional election. Similar structural difficulties in other policy areas often result in ad hoc operating agreements or informal cooperation among agencies at different levels of the federal system. In the case of election administration, however, the public officials have abdicated responsibility for election night aqgregation of the national Vote totals to a private organization, News Election Service, which is owned by five major news organizations. This private organization performs without a contract, without public compensation, and without supervision by public officials. It makes decisions concerning its duties according to its own criteria. The questions of responsibility and accountability have not arisen in part because of the private organization's performance record and in part because the responsibility was assumed gradually over a lengthy period without ever being evaluated as an item on the public agenda. 相似文献