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111.
Why do dictatorships favor harsher punishments than democracies? We use a rational choice approach to explain the stylized facts of Stalin’s dictatorship—preference for harsh sanctions, higher incarceration rates, greater use of capital punishment, low tolerance for theft of state property and workplace violations. They are shown to be explained by the preferences of a rational dictator, who does not internalize the social and private cost of punishment. 相似文献
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Arjen Boin Kathy Brock Jonathan Craft John Halligan Paul ‘t Hart Jeffrey Roy Geneviève Tellier Lori Turnbull 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2020,63(3):339-368
Several Canadian and international scholars offer commentaries on the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for governments and public service institutions, and fruitful directions for public administration research and practice. This first suite of commentaries focuses on the executive branch, variously considering: the challenge for governments to balance demands for accountability and learning while rethinking policy mixes as social solidarity and expert knowledge increasingly get challenged; how the policy-advisory systems of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and United Kingdom were structured and performed in response to the COVID-19 crisis; whether there are better ways to suspend the accountability repertoires of Parliamentary systems than the multiparty agreement struck by the minority Liberal government with several opposition parties; comparing the Canadian government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the Global Financial Crisis and how each has brought the challenge of inequality to the fore; and whether the COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated or disrupted digital government initiatives, reinforced traditional public administration values or more open government. 相似文献
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During the period of the Bush Presidency, the federal governmentproceeded to centralize and nationalize policy in major areasformerly controlled by states and localities. The extensionof federal goals and standards to such areas as education testing,sales tax collection, emergency management, infrastructure,and elections administration were among the areas of significantmandates and preemptions. The continuation of policy centralizationin areas under a conservative and unified political regime showshow strong and deep the roots are for centralizing policy actionsin our intergovernmental system. 相似文献
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Chris W. Bonneau Thomas H. Hammond Forrest Maltzman Paul J. Wahlbeck 《American journal of political science》2007,51(4):890-905
Some scholars argue that the author of the majority opinion exercises the most influence over the Court's opinion-writing process and so can determine what becomes Court policy, at least within the limits of what some Court majority finds acceptable. Other students of the Court have suggested that the Court's median justice effectively dictates the content of the majority opinion: whatever policy the median justice most wants, she can get. We test these competing models with data on Supreme Court decision making during the Burger Court (1969–86). While we find substantial evidence for both models, the agenda control model gains greater support. This suggests that opinions on the Court on each case are driven, in general, by the interaction of three key variables: the policy preferences of the majority opinion author, the policy preferences of the median justice, and the location of the legal status quo . 相似文献
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Paul A. Djupe Anand E. Sokhey Christopher P. Gilbert 《American journal of political science》2007,51(4):906-920
We investigate the sources of an important form of social inequality: the social processes by which men and women acquire participatory resources in organizations. In particular, we investigate the extent to which men and women acquire civic skills and are targets for political recruitment within churches. Integrating theory about social interaction within an organizational structure, we hypothesize that the ways in which women gain politically relevant resources from the church are simply different from those of men. Three factors explain the institutional treatment of women in churches: (1) women's political contributions are devalued; (2) women respond to social cues more than men do; (3) women respond to political cues from clergy—especially female clergy—whereas men do not. Our findings of gender differences in civic resource acquisition provide a more nuanced treatment of the mobilization process and have broad implications for the relationship between political difference and participatory democracy . 相似文献
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Some 25 years after the introduction of the first geo-information technologies in public organizations, strategies to manage their diffusion are still inadequate. This is problematic in light of the new generation of geo-information technologies that has become available and aims to invest in these new information technologies in order to advance e-government. This study questions how strategies for diffusion of geo-information technologies in public planning organizations can be improved. It shows that classic top-down management often enhances informal diffusion activities that deviate from the formal diffusion strategy. A knowledge management approach, in which geo-information specialists and planners participate in the formation of diffusion policies, can enhance the quality of the formal strategy, thereby preventing deviation and informal diffusion activities. The authors recommend that public planning organizations use this knowledge to improve their diffusion strategies for geo-information technologies. 相似文献