全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2911篇 |
免费 | 109篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 232篇 |
工人农民 | 95篇 |
世界政治 | 295篇 |
外交国际关系 | 194篇 |
法律 | 1127篇 |
中国政治 | 13篇 |
政治理论 | 988篇 |
综合类 | 76篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 10篇 |
2022年 | 10篇 |
2021年 | 23篇 |
2020年 | 47篇 |
2019年 | 56篇 |
2018年 | 98篇 |
2017年 | 84篇 |
2016年 | 103篇 |
2015年 | 59篇 |
2014年 | 75篇 |
2013年 | 451篇 |
2012年 | 97篇 |
2011年 | 99篇 |
2010年 | 74篇 |
2009年 | 83篇 |
2008年 | 94篇 |
2007年 | 115篇 |
2006年 | 77篇 |
2005年 | 105篇 |
2004年 | 95篇 |
2003年 | 76篇 |
2002年 | 84篇 |
2001年 | 74篇 |
2000年 | 75篇 |
1999年 | 58篇 |
1998年 | 49篇 |
1997年 | 48篇 |
1996年 | 51篇 |
1995年 | 44篇 |
1994年 | 41篇 |
1993年 | 35篇 |
1992年 | 43篇 |
1991年 | 47篇 |
1990年 | 45篇 |
1989年 | 41篇 |
1988年 | 34篇 |
1987年 | 19篇 |
1986年 | 24篇 |
1985年 | 25篇 |
1984年 | 24篇 |
1983年 | 22篇 |
1982年 | 30篇 |
1981年 | 38篇 |
1980年 | 28篇 |
1979年 | 13篇 |
1978年 | 14篇 |
1977年 | 11篇 |
1975年 | 12篇 |
1974年 | 12篇 |
1967年 | 7篇 |
排序方式: 共有3020条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
101.
Bart Schuurman Lasse Lindekilde Stefan Malthaner Francis O'Connor Paul Gill Noémie Bouhana 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2019,42(8):771-778
This research note argues that the “lone wolf” typology should be fundamentally reconsidered. Based on a three-year empirical research project, two key points are made to support this argument. First, the authors found that ties to online and offline radical milieus are critical to lone actors' adoption and maintenance of both the motive and capability to commit acts of terrorism. Second, in terms of pre-attack behaviors, the majority of lone actors are not the stealthy and highly capable terrorists the “lone wolf” moniker alludes to. These findings not only urge a reconsideration of the utility of the lone-wolf concept, they are also particularly relevant for counterterrorism professionals, whose conceptions of this threat may have closed off avenues for detection and interdiction that do, in fact, exist. 相似文献
102.
J. Paul Goode 《后苏联事务》2019,35(2):140-160
This article argues that the sources of official and societal ambivalence towards civic nationhood in today’s Russia are found in the institutional instability and personalist dynamics of hybrid regime politics in the 1990s. Successful civic nation-building should institutionalize inclusive criteria for citizenship as a basis for policymaking, which in turn should create incentives for dominant ethnicities to embrace civic nationhood. While the shifting views of Boris Yel’tsin on nationalities policy and the constant turmoil in the government’s nationalities ministry have received little scholarly attention, they illuminate the endogenous sources of regime instability in relation to civic nation-building. Russia’s experience thus challenges the traditional view of ethnic nationalism as fostering authoritarianism and civic nationalism as fostering democracy: rather, competitive authoritarianism in the 1990s confounded the regime’s own efforts toward civic nation-building and laid the groundwork for the “ethnic turn” in Russian politics under Vladimir Putin. 相似文献
103.
The present study examined the longitudinal links between perceptions of family connectedness and body satisfaction in 1,774
(52% female) adolescents. Participants (10–15 years of age at Time 1) completed self-report measures at three measurement
occasions separated by 1 year each. Mean group difference results showed that both body satisfaction levels and perceived
levels of family connectedness decreased over 2 years for the whole sample. As expected, girls were generally less satisfied
with their bodies than boys, particularly in the older cohort. Structural equation modelling was used to assess stability
coefficients and cross-lagged effects, and longitudinal bidirectional effects between perceptions of family connectedness
and body satisfaction were found for girls, but not for boys. This result suggests that adolescent girls’ body satisfaction
is both affected by and a predictor of perceived family connectedness. 相似文献
104.
Nicole Leeper Piquero Kristan Fox Alex R. Piquero George Capowich Paul Mazerolle 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(4):380-392
Much of the prior work on General Strain Theory (GST) has focused on how strain and negative emotions interrelate to produce
criminal—especially violent—activity. Very little research has extended GST to examine other types of non-criminal, negative
behavior, such as self-harming behaviors associated with disordered eating, a traditionally female-specific self-directed
outcome. Using a sample of 338 young adults (54% female, 95% white), this article applies GST to disordered eating by examining
how strain and negative emotions relate to this particular outcome across gender. Findings indicate that two types of strain
measures predict depressive symptoms among males and females, that inequitable strainful experiences relate to disordered
eating among females but not males, that depressive symptoms but not anger increase disordered eating for both males and females,
and that membership in Greek organizations (sororities or fraternities) is associated with disordered eating but only for
males. Implications for theory and directions for future research are highlighted. 相似文献
105.
History is institutional memory writ large. One looks at economic history to see what problems recur, what causes them to recur, what solutions have worked best in the past, and which interventions have made the problems worse. The authors argue that a moderately complex interaction between the workings of the financial sector, the way in which the political system is organized, and the administration of regulation makes perfect regulation of the financial sector extremely unlikely. Many of these problems arise as a result of conflicting incentives for those participating in and regulating the financial field. The authors find that some proposed solutions have improved matters but have costs, and that some proposed solutions have actually worsened problems in the financial sector.
相似文献
Peoples and governments never have learned anything from history, or acted on principles deduced from it.
— Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, 1837
106.
Paul Blackledge 《Political studies》2009,57(4):866-884
Alasdair MacIntyre's concept of social practice sits at the core of his account of the virtue-fostering forms of resistance to capitalism, liberalism and the modern (un)democratic state. However, while this concept was articulated, in part, as a response to perceived weaknesses with Marx's analysis of working-class revolutionary praxis, and although MacIntyre has criticised Marx for the paucity of his theorisation of such practice, he has himself only gestured towards concrete instances of his alternative. This essay engages with one of these examples: MacIntyre's suggestion that Welsh mining communities in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries should be numbered among those modern communities within which the virtues have flourished. I explore some of the ramifications of this example for MacIntyre's broader ethical theory through the lens of a discussion of the continuities and breaks between his youthful Marxism and his more mature thought. I suggest that this example problematises his concept of practice in a way that implies a space for reconciliation between his mature thought and his earlier Marxism. 相似文献
107.
108.
Paul L. Posner 《Public administration review》2009,69(2):233-244
The unraveling of the budget process described by Irene Rubin will have extraordinary consequences for the long-term budget outlook facing the nation. The retirement of the baby boom generation will prompt unprecedented and unsustainable structural fiscal imbalances for decades to come. Early policy action on the spending and revenue sides of the budget is critical to avert fiscal and economic crisis and to phase in changes in order to avoid precipitous and politically perilous actions in the future. Yet such actions constitute what amounts to a politically unnatural act, as one generation of political leaders is asked to make sacrifices in current policies benefiting future generations. Budget process reforms can serve to highlight the salience of these issues and help deal with the significant political hurdles faced by decision makers in making these intertemporal budgeting trade-offs. Ironically, the need for budget rules and processes has intensified as policy makers have become more vulnerable to polarized political parties, ever more watchful media, and mobilized interest groups. Budget rules and processes can help policy makers cope by protecting their ability to make the hard choices that will be necessary. The pressures for budget process reform will accelerate as the current financial crisis increases near-term budgetary pressures, promoting greater alignment between near-term and long-term fiscal problems. 相似文献
109.
Why do dictatorships favor harsher punishments than democracies? We use a rational choice approach to explain the stylized facts of Stalin’s dictatorship—preference for harsh sanctions, higher incarceration rates, greater use of capital punishment, low tolerance for theft of state property and workplace violations. They are shown to be explained by the preferences of a rational dictator, who does not internalize the social and private cost of punishment. 相似文献
110.