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281.
Eva R. Kimonis Paul J. Frick Jennifer L. Skeem Monica A. Marsee Keith Cruise Luna C. Munoz Katherine J. Aucoin Amanda S. Morris 《International journal of law and psychiatry》2008,31(3):241
The presence of callous–unemotional (CU) traits designates an important subgroup of antisocial youth. To improve upon existing measures, the Inventory of Callous–Unemotional Traits (ICU) was developed to provide an efficient, reliable, and valid assessment of CU traits in samples of youth. The current study tests the factor structure and correlates of the ICU scale in a sample (n = 248) of juvenile offenders (188 boys, 60 girls) between the ages of 12 and 20 (M = 15.47, SD = 1.37). Confirmatory factor analyses are consistent with the presence of three independent factors (i.e., Uncaring, Callousness, and Unemotional) that relate to a higher-order callous–unemotional dimension. Also, CU traits overall showed associations with aggression, delinquency, and both psychophysiological and self-report indices of emotional reactivity. There were some important differences across the three facets of the ICU in their associations with these key external criteria. 相似文献
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Paul J. White 《Citizenship Studies》1999,3(1):71-102
This article examines the relevancy of concepts of citizenship as tools for analysing and comprehending minorities in ethnically complex societies. Taking the Kurds of Turkey as a case study, this article traces the evolution of civil society from the Ottoman empire through to the modern Turkish state, using a human rights‐based definition of citizenship. The changed situation of the Kurds is shown in each epoch and appropriate conclusions are drawn. The complex diversity among the Kurds themselves is also noted. Finally, an assessment is made of the applicability of what could be called Weberian and Neo‐Weberian concepts of citizenship. 相似文献
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Paul Schewe Stephanie Riger April Howard Susan L. Staggs Gillian E. Mason 《Journal of family violence》2006,21(7):469-475
This study explored factors associated with a lifetime history of domestic violence and sexual assault in a sample of welfare recipients in Illinois. Results indicate that childhood exposure to domestic violence is a risk factor for both sexual assault and domestic violence victimization, but that childhood physical abuse is only a risk factor for domestic violence. Increased education and employment skills and having more children were also risk factors for domestic violence victimization. Domestic violence was significantly associated with depression, while sexual assault was associated with low social support and a greater perceived need for mental health services. Frequent alcohol and drug use were not associated with either type of victimization. Research implications are discussed. 相似文献
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Ten years after the 1994 Rwandan genocide occurred, seriousquestions remain about the circumstances of the British government'sresponse. This article critically evaluates the response ofJohn Major's government to the genocide. It does so in fourstages. The first section provides a brief overview of the Majorgovernment's international agenda in 1994, focusing on Britishpolicy towards the war in Bosnia and the African continent ingeneral. The second section deals with the substance of Britain'sRwanda policy, while the third discusses the ways in which thispolicy has been almost totally omitted from mainstream accountsof this period. The final section provides a critical evaluationof some of the tactics that British officials employed to avertcriticism of their government's policies. Based on the evidencepresented we conclude that the British government displayeda deeply troubling indifference towards the victims of Rwanda'sgenocide. 相似文献
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Abstract: This article advances analytic and normative debates about intergovernmental hierarchy in Canada. It explores interaction between traditional federal spending and other tools, including structuring investments, accountability, and expertise, with which Ottawa is reasserting leadership over program development in areas such as child care. The author finds that federal spending power remains strong enough to entice provincial and territorial (pt ) governments to the negotiation table and give Ottawa leverage over pt priorities. This strength persists even when structuring investments are insufficient to achieve notable innovation. However, federal leverage is vulnerable to significant shifts in direction once transfers are subject to the political winds in provinces and territories. This weather‐vane leadership pattern is rooted in intergovernmental accountability practices, which now insist that senior governments report only to citizens, not to one another. Current reporting practices leave citizens poorly positioned to access the data or expertise necessary to audit pt use of federal transfers. Thus, as normative debates about intergovernmen‐talism renew with the election of a federal Conservative government that campaigned to address the fiscal imbalance, decision‐makers should be mindful that Ottawa's ongoing strength to direct pt priorities is unmatched by effective accountability measures. Sommaire: Cet article fait progresser les débats analytiques et normatifs au sujet de la hiérarchie intergouvernementale au Canada. Il étudie l'interaction entre les dépenses fédérales traditionnelles et d'autres outils, tels que les investissements dans la structuration, l'obligation redditionnelle et l'expertise, grâce auxquels Ottawa réaffirme son leadership sur l'élaboration de programmes dans des domaines comme les services de garde des enfants. L'auteur estime que le pouvoir d'application des ressources du fédéral demeure assez fort pour inciter les gouvernements provinciaux et territoriaux (pt ) à venir à la table de négociation et pour donner à Ottawa une influence sur les priorités des pt . Cette force persiste même lorsque les investissements de structuration sont insuffisants pour parvenir à une innovation notoire. Cependant, l'influence fédérale est exposée à d'importants changements de direction une fois que les transferts sont assujettis aux influences politiques dans les provinces et les territoires. Ce modèle de direction girouette est enraciné dans des méthodes de reddition de comptes intergouvernementales, qui insistent maintenant pour que les gouvernements ne fassent des comptes rendus qu'aux citoyens et non entre eux. Les pratiques actuelles en matière de reddition font que les citoyens sont en mauvaise posture pour avoir accès aux données ou à l'expertise nécessaire pour vérifier l'usage des transferts fédéraux par les pt . Ainsi, alors que les débats normatifs au sujet de l'intergouvernementalisme reprennent avec l'élection d'un gouvernement fédéral conservateur qui a fait campagne pour redresser le déséquilibre fiscal, les décisionnaires devraient prendre conscience que les efforts soutenus d'Ottawa pour diriger les priorités des pt ne sont pas assortis de mesures efficaces en matière de reddition de comptes. 相似文献