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261.
Paul Schewe Stephanie Riger April Howard Susan L. Staggs Gillian E. Mason 《Journal of family violence》2006,21(7):469-475
This study explored factors associated with a lifetime history of domestic violence and sexual assault in a sample of welfare recipients in Illinois. Results indicate that childhood exposure to domestic violence is a risk factor for both sexual assault and domestic violence victimization, but that childhood physical abuse is only a risk factor for domestic violence. Increased education and employment skills and having more children were also risk factors for domestic violence victimization. Domestic violence was significantly associated with depression, while sexual assault was associated with low social support and a greater perceived need for mental health services. Frequent alcohol and drug use were not associated with either type of victimization. Research implications are discussed. 相似文献
262.
Ten years after the 1994 Rwandan genocide occurred, seriousquestions remain about the circumstances of the British government'sresponse. This article critically evaluates the response ofJohn Major's government to the genocide. It does so in fourstages. The first section provides a brief overview of the Majorgovernment's international agenda in 1994, focusing on Britishpolicy towards the war in Bosnia and the African continent ingeneral. The second section deals with the substance of Britain'sRwanda policy, while the third discusses the ways in which thispolicy has been almost totally omitted from mainstream accountsof this period. The final section provides a critical evaluationof some of the tactics that British officials employed to avertcriticism of their government's policies. Based on the evidencepresented we conclude that the British government displayeda deeply troubling indifference towards the victims of Rwanda'sgenocide. 相似文献
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Abstract: This article advances analytic and normative debates about intergovernmental hierarchy in Canada. It explores interaction between traditional federal spending and other tools, including structuring investments, accountability, and expertise, with which Ottawa is reasserting leadership over program development in areas such as child care. The author finds that federal spending power remains strong enough to entice provincial and territorial (pt ) governments to the negotiation table and give Ottawa leverage over pt priorities. This strength persists even when structuring investments are insufficient to achieve notable innovation. However, federal leverage is vulnerable to significant shifts in direction once transfers are subject to the political winds in provinces and territories. This weather‐vane leadership pattern is rooted in intergovernmental accountability practices, which now insist that senior governments report only to citizens, not to one another. Current reporting practices leave citizens poorly positioned to access the data or expertise necessary to audit pt use of federal transfers. Thus, as normative debates about intergovernmen‐talism renew with the election of a federal Conservative government that campaigned to address the fiscal imbalance, decision‐makers should be mindful that Ottawa's ongoing strength to direct pt priorities is unmatched by effective accountability measures. Sommaire: Cet article fait progresser les débats analytiques et normatifs au sujet de la hiérarchie intergouvernementale au Canada. Il étudie l'interaction entre les dépenses fédérales traditionnelles et d'autres outils, tels que les investissements dans la structuration, l'obligation redditionnelle et l'expertise, grâce auxquels Ottawa réaffirme son leadership sur l'élaboration de programmes dans des domaines comme les services de garde des enfants. L'auteur estime que le pouvoir d'application des ressources du fédéral demeure assez fort pour inciter les gouvernements provinciaux et territoriaux (pt ) à venir à la table de négociation et pour donner à Ottawa une influence sur les priorités des pt . Cette force persiste même lorsque les investissements de structuration sont insuffisants pour parvenir à une innovation notoire. Cependant, l'influence fédérale est exposée à d'importants changements de direction une fois que les transferts sont assujettis aux influences politiques dans les provinces et les territoires. Ce modèle de direction girouette est enraciné dans des méthodes de reddition de comptes intergouvernementales, qui insistent maintenant pour que les gouvernements ne fassent des comptes rendus qu'aux citoyens et non entre eux. Les pratiques actuelles en matière de reddition font que les citoyens sont en mauvaise posture pour avoir accès aux données ou à l'expertise nécessaire pour vérifier l'usage des transferts fédéraux par les pt . Ainsi, alors que les débats normatifs au sujet de l'intergouvernementalisme reprennent avec l'élection d'un gouvernement fédéral conservateur qui a fait campagne pour redresser le déséquilibre fiscal, les décisionnaires devraient prendre conscience que les efforts soutenus d'Ottawa pour diriger les priorités des pt ne sont pas assortis de mesures efficaces en matière de reddition de comptes. 相似文献
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The High Court for England and Wales has ruled that a trademark owner who marks products with the CE mark does not unequivocallyconsent to the marketing of those products in the EEA for trademark purposes. 相似文献
267.
Paul C. Stern 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1986,5(2):200-227
This article describes the difficulties of reducing analysis of energy use to an application of economic theory. It shows how economic concepts of behavior direct attention selectively to some important determinants of consumer behavior and away from others; how available economic accounts of short-term change in energy use, investment in energy efficiency, and the dynamics of investment limit understanding and narrow analysts' vision; how promising policy options are overlooked as a result; and how concepts and knowledge from the noneconomic behavioral sciences can compensate. Two strategies are discussed for improving analysis. Using economic theory to guide the improvement of existing models can help, conceptual blind spots will remain. A problem-oriented approach drawing on concepts and methods from across the behavioral sciences can avoid the blind spots, but cannot be systematic. Analysis can be improved by using both approaches in concert; some implications of a combined strategy are sketched. 相似文献
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269.
Jennifer L. Miller Jacob Cramer Thomas J. Volgy Paul Bezerra Megan Hauser Christina Sciabarra 《国际相互影响》2015,41(5):779-804
Extant work on status attribution has largely focused on major powers or state capabilities as key explanatory factors driving these social processes and suggests that status considerations increase conflicts between states. We argue for a more comprehensive approach to status attribution that considers international norms as another major factor that is weighed in the attribution process. We contend that states (policymakers) evaluate one another not only on the basis of economic and military capabilities but also on the extent to which there is behavioral conformance with normative expectations and reward one another dependent upon whether these expectations are met. However, this attribution of status is dependent upon the level of contestation pertaining to that norm. Using a data set that assesses consistency with six different norms (resource transference, multilateralism, economic liberalism, democratic governance, respect for human rights, and peaceful dispute resolution), we find that status attribution is associated with norm-consistent behavior but only when these norms are uncontested at the global level. 相似文献
270.