全文获取类型
收费全文 | 4807篇 |
免费 | 178篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 413篇 |
工人农民 | 175篇 |
世界政治 | 535篇 |
外交国际关系 | 357篇 |
法律 | 1885篇 |
中国政治 | 37篇 |
政治理论 | 1498篇 |
综合类 | 85篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 17篇 |
2022年 | 16篇 |
2021年 | 30篇 |
2020年 | 71篇 |
2019年 | 87篇 |
2018年 | 145篇 |
2017年 | 141篇 |
2016年 | 161篇 |
2015年 | 99篇 |
2014年 | 127篇 |
2013年 | 799篇 |
2012年 | 134篇 |
2011年 | 158篇 |
2010年 | 122篇 |
2009年 | 153篇 |
2008年 | 151篇 |
2007年 | 177篇 |
2006年 | 136篇 |
2005年 | 152篇 |
2004年 | 176篇 |
2003年 | 126篇 |
2002年 | 135篇 |
2001年 | 110篇 |
2000年 | 114篇 |
1999年 | 89篇 |
1998年 | 93篇 |
1997年 | 90篇 |
1996年 | 80篇 |
1995年 | 81篇 |
1994年 | 77篇 |
1993年 | 81篇 |
1992年 | 68篇 |
1991年 | 71篇 |
1990年 | 73篇 |
1989年 | 66篇 |
1988年 | 59篇 |
1987年 | 45篇 |
1986年 | 44篇 |
1985年 | 48篇 |
1984年 | 43篇 |
1983年 | 37篇 |
1982年 | 38篇 |
1981年 | 53篇 |
1980年 | 44篇 |
1979年 | 21篇 |
1978年 | 16篇 |
1977年 | 21篇 |
1976年 | 15篇 |
1975年 | 16篇 |
1974年 | 16篇 |
排序方式: 共有4985条查询结果,搜索用时 19 毫秒
921.
Devolution and the associated mechanisms of governance—a power-sharing Executive, elected assembly, cross-border bodies, a reformed system of public administration and civic engagement —are a part of the wider mosaic of peace-building. Their implementation is an attempt to institutionalize stability and copper-fasten a political settlement. This article outlines the changing governmental arrangements existing within Northern Ireland, as it has shifted tentatively away from direct rule. It maps the wider public sector in Northern Ireland, including civil administration (chiefly the Northern Ireland Civil Service), an extended mosaic of nondepartmental public bodies (NDPBs) and other public agencies that, together with local government, form a complex, multi-layered, subregional governance. Our contention is that the manner in which the administration of Northern Ireland has been conducted yields fruitful insights into issues of territorial management in other areas afflicted by intractable constitutional wrangles and attendant violence. In short, an agreed system of governance is integral to the transition from conflict to peace (or at least stability) and, in the case of Northern Ireland, was central to the substance of the Belfast Agreement, characterized by a power-sharing Executive. 相似文献
922.
Paul Wilkinson 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):51-64
The author begins by challenging Michel Wieviorka's dismissal of the claim that there is a symbiotic relationship between terrorism and the media. Terrorists' manipulation and exploitation of the media is shown to play a crucial part in their propaganda war. The article concludes by arguing that voluntary self‐restraint and self‐regulation by the media are the best policy options for a democratic society in regard to the media's response to terrorism, but that the mass media need to work harder at devising measures of self‐restraint that are both appropriate and effective. 相似文献
923.
Stephen Sloan 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(1):106-131
The evolution of United States anti‐terrorism policies has been marked by inconsistency and the lack of a unity of action. The declaratory no ransom policy enunciated by President Nixon has been constantly violated. In addition, the absence of a consensus on the nature of terrorism has been exacerbated by bureaucratic turf battles. This debate has created negative administrative and operational impacts on the organizations that are responsible for meeting the terrorist threat. Bureaucratically, despite the attempt to coordinate action through the lead agency concept, Washington's anti‐terrorism mechanism remain unnecessarily complex. Furthermore, different operational approaches to combating terrorism have impeded the development of an integrated counter‐terrorism capability. The need for streamlining has become critical in the rapidly transforming international arena. The use of terrorism by governments who seek regional hegemony and the development of the ‘Gray Area Phenomenon’ where non‐state actors employ terrorism as a means of realizing their objectives will challenge Washington's resolve. The political leadership faces the task of reconciling the present budgetary constraints with the requirements to identify and effectively respond to future threats. 相似文献
924.
925.
Paul C. Godfrey 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(6):1071-1091
This essay examines the similarities between Plato's Republic and Barnard's Functions of the Executive.The essay argues that comparisons between Barnard and Plato are not overstated in form or substance. Three major areas of each work are compared: the ethical foundations, the political foundations, and the role of education in achieving those political means. Implications arising from the comparison are discussed and the essay concludes by linking the Barnard-Plato dialogue with current issues in management theory and practice. 相似文献
926.
Stephen King 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(3):333-354
Following on from five years of ‘electronic government’, the Labour Government has recently announced a new five year plan for ‘transformational government’. Like its predecessor, t-government emphasises the important role of information technology in enabling the delivery of modernised public services. Modernisation is defined as an increasing emphasis on citizen choice, personalisation of services and understanding and responding to service user needs. This paper explores the appropriateness of the t-government agenda by drawing upon lessons learned from the preceding e-government era. Arguably the most significant citizen-focused technology of the e-government era was customer relationship management. The potential of CRM to support service transformation is explored and co-production, an alternative approach to citizen-centric service design, is examined both as a way of addressing weaknesses in IT-enabled service transformation and as a candidate later stage in the evolution of citizen-centric local public services. 相似文献
927.
928.
The planning of personnel requirements for the various divisions of a government agency is a prerequisite to the preparation of reasonable operational budgets. This study describes a method for developing baseline estimates of personnel requirements in public agencies, by adpting traditional task analysis and work measurement approaches to teh broader framework of organizational theory. An application to determining the staffing requirements at the National Science Foundation for Fiscal Year 1979 - 1981 illustrates the method. 相似文献
929.
The United States government has no elections office and does not attempt to administer congressional and presidential elections. The responsibility for the administration of elections and certification of winners in the United States national elections rests with the states. The states divide election administration responsibilities between state and local election officials, whose objective is an efficiently administered honest election, with the ballots correctly tabulated. The formal structure of election administration in the United States is not capable of providing tirely results of the presidential and congressional election. Similar structural difficulties in other policy areas often result in ad hoc operating agreements or informal cooperation among agencies at different levels of the federal system. In the case of election administration, however, the public officials have abdicated responsibility for election night aqgregation of the national Vote totals to a private organization, News Election Service, which is owned by five major news organizations. This private organization performs without a contract, without public compensation, and without supervision by public officials. It makes decisions concerning its duties according to its own criteria. The questions of responsibility and accountability have not arisen in part because of the private organization's performance record and in part because the responsibility was assumed gradually over a lengthy period without ever being evaluated as an item on the public agenda. 相似文献
930.
Ostensibly, the reorganisation of Scottish local government in 1996 was intended to create a more local, more efficient and more accountable system of local government. However, simultaneously, through grant abatement, the government intensified its fiscal squeeze on local government, seeking in real terms reductions in local authority expenditure. Contrary to assurances from ministers, both developments occasioned disruption for local authorities, with Glasgow in particular experiencing a severe period of fiscal stress. This paper outlines a research framework for identifying potential causal factors behind the acute nature of Glasgow's fiscal crisis, whilst considering the budgetary constraints within which Scottish (and indeed British) local authorities must operate. Finally, it focuses on the impact and resolution of the crisis and highlights the crucial role that the decisions of central government have played in shaping the response of one major local authority. 相似文献