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1.
In the early 1970s, Grand Canyon National Park intended to designate its land to “Wilderness,” including the controversial Colorado River corridor. However, by the end of the 1970s the potential for Wilderness designation was off the table, and would never seriously return for genuine consideration. Using Schattschneider's model of conflict, we explain how the organization of this conflict privileges the “causal story” of Wilderness opponents, and therefore why the canyon is not designated. It is our contention that members of Congress will not stand forward to support Wilderness designations without simultaneously providing benefits for extractive land use because (1) congressional representatives are more penalized for supporting than opposing Wilderness designations, (2) Wilderness advocacy groups do not pressure congressional delegates as firmly as opposition groups, and (3) key local congressional members are not likely to see Wilderness as a salient issue worth the risk of negative exposure. If these findings hold, the implication is that we may have reached the end of significant Wilderness designations in highly visible areas, unless critical aspects in land use conflict change. 相似文献
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Peter Drahos 《Liverpool Law Review》2007,28(1):11-39
After the Agreement on the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) came into operation in 1995 developing countries have found themselves in a process of continual negotiation over intellectual property rights and access to medicines. These negotiations have taken place in the World Trade Organization and in the context of free trade agreements. The paper suggests that the only real win for developing countries has been the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health in 2001. What have been the lessons for developing countries in a decade of negotiations over access to medicines? Drawing on themes of rule complexity and regulatory ritualism the paper discusses four key lessons for developing countries. It concludes by arguing that developing countries will do better if they adopt a networked governance approach to negotiation rather than continuing to rely on traditional coalition formation. 相似文献
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Peter R. Maida 《Family Court Review》1991,29(4):429-447
From a conflict resolution perspective, it is clear why the child support guidelines are not going to reduce the adequacy and compliance gaps in child support payment conflicts between parents. As it stands, the conflict over equally sharing child support is destructive rather than positive. The guidelines do not reframe the conflict for the parents, enabling them to believe the interests of children are more important than their own interests to win the child support battle. To transform conflict from destructive to positive, the elements of conflict–expression of the conflict, scarce resources and rewards, and interdependency–must be transformed. It is argued that the guidelines do not transform the conflict but facilitate it. Courts and attorneys are also significant players in the child support conflict. 相似文献
6.
This paper explores the multi-layered representations of violence and crime in the recent Hollywood film Gangs of New York [Scorcese (2003) Miramax]. We use our exploration of this film to suggest that popular culture, even through its most mainstream products, can be seen as a critical criminological space where alternative views of law, crime and the state are made available. Rather than understanding Hollywood movies simply as vehicles for disseminating conventional mores, we suggest that they can furnish critical (and complex) points of view on law and crime and that the project of a critical criminology can be strengthened by engaging more forthrightly with these ubiquitous cultural forms. 相似文献
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Provincial governments in the Netherlands have only one general tax at their disposal. However, it has become an insufficient source of revenue for this level of government in the Dutch system. To increase the revenue raising capacity of the provincial governments, thirteen broad-based general tax proposals not used at the local level were examined. The objective was to find a fair and equitable tax that could easily be collected and would result in fl. 200 million in additional revenue for the provincial governments. 相似文献
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Fukunari Kimura 《Asia Europe Journal》2003,1(2):197-211
East Asia, including Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia, has developed tightly-linked production/distribution networks through
globalizing corporate activities. The vertical chain of production in East Asia has been even more sophisticated than economic
integration in East Europe or Latin America. However, the political environment of East Asia for trade and investment has
been far from borderless. The integration effort at the policy level has been very much limited so far, due to the historical
background as well as geopolitics surrounding East Asia.
The Asian currency/financial crisis provided these countries a historical turning point. After the burst of the crisis, East
Asians realized that they have to take care of themselves in their difficulties, not depending on outside forces. A natural
choice for them was to step into the realm of regionalism. In 1998, Japan and Korea officially announced that they would discard
the long-lasting GATT/WTO-only approach and adapt the multi-layered approach, including both regionalism and multilateralism.
The ultimate goal of regionalism would be a region-wide integration including ASEAN+3. As a steppingstone, Japan signed the
Japan-Singapore Economic Partnership Agreement (JSEPA) in January 2002. In a parallel move, the ASEAN and China Leaders announced
in November 2001 the establishment of an ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) within 10 years.
This article will follow up the most recent advancement of regional institutional building in East Asia with the emphasis
on peculiar characteristics of economic integration in the region and discuss its implications for Asia-Europe relations.
This paper is heavily drawn from Kimura (2002, 2003). 相似文献