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961.
Peter Norman 《German politics》2013,22(4):569-580
The UK and Germany approached the Convention with rather closer positions on many key issues than popular image would have it, developed further common aims during the Convention, and both ended up relatively satisfied with the outcomes. Based on close observation of the Convention proceedings, this article explores this pattern of convergence, commencing with a discussion of the ‘visions’ that Joschka Fischer for Germany and Tony Blair for the UK brought to the debate, and developing the discussion through an analysis of how each government ‘played’ the Convention. Perhaps surprisingly the UK government was more adept at alliance-building, with the lead German representative, Fischer, seen as aloof and outflanked by Franco-German initiatives agreed by the respective heads of government. 相似文献
962.
Peter James 《German politics》2013,22(2):202-210
Franz Josef Strauβ died in October 1988, exactly two years before German unity. He was undoubtedly one of Germany's most dynamic and controversial post‐war politicians, who aroused very strong emotions in the electorate, ranging from great support to condemnation. During his political career Strauβ had tremendous power and influence. As the tenth anniversay of his death approaches, this article sets out to assess his contribution to both Bavarian and German politics. Did he represent a transitory phenomenon or did he leave behind a lasting legacy? 相似文献
963.
Peter Rutland 《后苏联事务》2013,29(4):345-384
An American political scientist analyzes the Soviet miners' strikes of 1989 and their consequences during 1990. Focusing on the three coal-mining regions of the Kuzbas, Donbas, and Vorkuta, the paper is based on rare access to official and unofficial local newspapers and interviews. Included are analytical accounts of similarities and differences in the strikers' demands and strategies, as well as of efforts to form and sustain new local, regional, and national labor unions. The conceivable outcome of the unrest and organizations emerging in 1989 is discussed in light of developments through the end of 1990. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: 124, 830. 相似文献
964.
Peter F. Bell 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):446-454
965.
966.
Peter C. Scales Peter L. Benson Eugene C. Roehlkepartain 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2011,40(3):263-277
Although most social science research on adolescence emphasizes risks and challenges, an emergent field of study focuses on
adolescent thriving. The current study extends this line of inquiry by examining the additive power of identifying and nurturing
young people’s “sparks,” giving them “voice,” and providing the relationships and opportunities that reinforce and nourish
thriving. A national sample of 1,817 adolescents, all age 15 (49% female), and including 56% white, 17% Hispanic/Latino, and
17% African-American adolescents, completed an online survey that investigated their deep passions or interests (their “sparks”),
the opportunities and relationships they have to support pursuing those sparks, and how empowered they feel to make civic
contributions (their “voice”). Results consistently supported the hypothesis that linking one’s spark with a sense of voice
and supportive opportunities and relationships strengthens concurrent outcomes, particularly those reflecting prosociality,
during a key developmental transition period. The three developmental strengths also predicted most outcomes to a greater
degree than did demographics. However, less than 10 percent of 15-year-olds reported experiencing high levels of all three
strengths. The results demonstrate the value of focusing on thriving in adolescence, both to reframe our understanding of
this age group and to highlight the urgency of providing adolescents the opportunities and relationships they need to thrive. 相似文献
967.
Peter Kurrild‐Klitgaard 《Scandinavian political studies》2013,36(2):121-136
When collective choices are made in more than one round and with different groups of decision makers, so‐called ‘election inversions’ may take place, where each round produces different majority outcomes. In this article, two versions of such compound majority paradoxes are identified that are particularly, but not exclusively, relevant for systems of proportional representation with governing coalitions: the ‘Threshold Paradox’ and the ‘Federal Paradox’. The empirical relevance of the paradoxes is illustrated with examples from two Danish elections (in 1971 and in 1990), where a majority of the voters voted for one bloc of parties, but a majority of the seats fell to another. 相似文献
968.
969.
Peter Freeman 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(2):206-228
The War Office's First World War cryptanalytic bureau MI1(b) has been severely overshadowed by its more glamorous equivalent in the Admiralty, ‘Room 40’. In particular its diplomatic decryption work has gone completely unnoticed; yet this was its main activity, and it contributed more than did Room 40 to their common successor, the Government Code and Cypher School (GC&CS). This article, drawing on the past decade's releases of GC&CS archives, traces the development of MI1(b)'s diplomatic work, disentangles its achievements from those of its better-known naval colleague, describes how the two organizations were merged to become GC&CS, and suggests why MI1(b)'s achievements were so quickly forgotten. 相似文献
970.