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311.
Books received     
The Politics of Local Expenditure, K. Newton and T.J. Karran, Macmillan, 1985, pp. 165, £5.95 paperback.

Welfare Bureaucracies, David Billis, Heinemann, 1984, pp. 252, £11.50 paperback.

Paying for Welfare, Howard Glennerster, Black well, 1985, pp. xi + 273, £7.50.

School Governing Bodies, M. Kogan, D. Johnson, T. Packwood and T. Whitaker, Heinemann Educational Books, 1984, pp. 210, £18.50 hardback, £8.50 paperback.

Something in the Air, Andrew Blowers, Harper and Row, 1984, pp. 359, £6.95.

Controlling the Constable: Police Accountability in England and Wales, Tony Jefferson and Roger Grimshaw, Frederick Muller/The Cobden Trust, 1984, pp. 205, £18.95 hardback, £7.95 paperback.  相似文献   
312.
The question of whether juvenile offenders should be handled in criminal court has been addressed by a number of studies. However, few have examined the effectiveness of the type of transfer mechanism and how it relates to protecting the public. Whether the mechanism used to transfer juvenile offenders to criminal court has any effect on the likelihood of being convicted of a target offense criminal court is examined here. It was found that the juveniles sampled in this study had a greater chance of being convicted on their target offense in criminal court if they were sent there via judicial waiver than if they were excluded from juvenile court jurisdiction by statute.  相似文献   
313.
Does the German mixed electoral system produce two types of representatives – MPs elected in the district who aim primarily to represent the interests of their constituencies and list MPs who are primarily loyal to their party or seek to serve ‘functional’ interest groups? The paper addresses this controversial question in two steps. It first uses sequence analysis in order to discover empirically just how prominent the exclusive ‘path into the Bundestag’ actually was by way of either the party list or the electoral district. The empirical basis is a data set covering all 3581 members of parliament from 1949 to 2009. Secondly, after having identified MPs with clear district or list careers, the paper replicates a study on committee membership asking whether district MPs sat more often in committees that are of relevance for their districts while list MPs more often sit in so-called ‘policy’ committees. The paper finds no evidence for a clear ‘mandate divide’ between MPs elected in a district and those numerous MPs entering parliament via the party list but also contesting a district.  相似文献   
314.
Examining the behaviour of Conservative MPs in 5,306 standing committee divisions between 1979 and 1992, this article determines whether the Commons’ ‘new role’ in policy making, identified by Schwarz in 1980, survived the Thatcher years and Major months. One hundred and forty five Conservative MPs cast 684 dissenting votes in 103 bills, inflicting 56 defeats spread over 29 bills. (A further 11 defeats occurred without Conservative dissent.) The extent and intensity of the dissent is explained, showing why so many dissenting votes did not result in more defeats. Partly this is due to the nature of the dissent (too many isolated rebellions, votes sometimes not cast with the opposition). But mainly it is due to the size of the majorities enjoyed by the Thatcher Government, particularly after 1983, and the Government's ability to control the size of committees. Because of this, in both absolute and relative terms the dissent from 1979 to 1992 is less effective than that identified by Schwarz.  相似文献   
315.
316.
Terrorism     
Christopher Dobson and Ronald Payne, War Without End: The Terroristsan Intelligence Dossier (London: Harrap, 1986). Pp.279. £9.95.

James Adams, The Financing of Terror (London: New English Library, 1986). Pp.293. £12.95.

Benjamin Netanyahu (ed.) Terrorism: How the West Can Win (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1986). Pp.254. $18.95.  相似文献   
317.
Michael Smith, New Cloak, Old Dagger: How Britain's Spies Came In From The Cold (London: Gollancz, 1996) Pp.276, 4 illus., 24 photos. £20. ISBN 0–575–06150–2.  相似文献   
318.
This article reviews two approaches to the study of economic restructuring which focus on commodity-specific dynamics of change. The first is the global commodity chain (GCC) approach, which has been developed primarily for the analysis of industrial commodities.The second is the francophone filière tradition, which has been applied mostly to agricultural commodities originating from former French colonies. The article finds that the GCC approach has a more coherent framework than the filière approach, although it is still far from constituting a fully fledged 'theory'. The authors provide a number of suggestions for improving some of its key concepts. They also suggest that the GCC approach can be enriched by some of the insights gained in filière work, especially in terms of improving historical coverage and depth, enlarging the analysis to agricultural commodities, better handling of regulation issues, and including quality convention issues in analysing commodity chain structure and restructuring.  相似文献   
319.
Book reviews     
William Pelz, THE SPARTAKUSBUND AND THE GERMAN WORKING CLASS MOVEMENT, 1914–1919. (Lewiston, New York: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1987)

Bogdan Denitch. THE END OF THE COLD WAR: EUROPEAN UNITY, SOCIALISM AND THE SHIFT IN GLOBAL POWER. (Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1990.)

Terry Eagleton, ed., RAYMOND WILLIAMS: A CRITICAL READER (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1989)

Michel de Certeau, THE PRACTICE OF EVERYDAY LIFE (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988)

Judith Marcus and Zoltan Tarr, eds., GEORG LUKÁCS: THEORY, CULTURE AND POLITICS (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1989).

Ian Shapiro, POLITICAL CRITICISM. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990), xii; 338pp.  相似文献   
320.
The massive budgets for U.S. military space and missile defense represent the beginning stages of a new arms race in space. But with the United States facing record budget deficits and record defense spending and with the international community expressing increasing concerns about the weaponization of space, the next administration faces some real questions about how hard it wants to push for new attack weapons in space.

No matter how the upcoming U.S. presidential election turns out, the next administration faces dilemmas with respect to the lack of a justifying threat, the technical difficulty and cost of placing weapons in space, how far its international partners want to go with missile defense and with weapons in space, and, finally, the type of international negotiations in which it is willing to engage. Each of these situations creates alternatives for today, alternatives which the next U.S. President will confront and the international community can and should engage.  相似文献   
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