The German Question and the International Order, 1943–48

In this article, I address two salient issues in IR trust research: first, I introduce a longitudinal, content analysis to measure foreign policy trust. Second, I provide an in-depth analysis of how recent crises affected German political elites’ trust of the United States. I begin with a brief conceptual sketch of foreign policy trust and argue that treating it as a trusting discourse is a useful way to bridge the micro–macro gap. Next, I introduce a content analysis to measure trust, present coding rules and discuss advantages and problems of the approach. The empirical section consists of data generated from coding German Bundestag speeches and newspaper op-eds from 2000 through 2014. By disaggregating the data to specify who trusts whom and regarding which issues, I propose the following: First, there is a significant decline in trust among the traditionally pro-American German center-right politicians. Second, there is a steady decline in trust in the United States as a state entity, as opposed to strongly fluctuating trust in different U.S. presidents. Third, the NSA crisis directly affected German elites’ trust in the bilateral security partnership, an area where trust was stable even during the Bush presidency.     

On the apparent benefits of higher productivity: An arithmetical illustration a comment

During the 1980s, like many other developing countries Nepal attempted actively to attract direct foreign investment. This article reports the results of a survey of the foreign‐owned firms in operation at the end of the 1980s. The motives of firms for their investment decisions in Nepal are summarised. The impact of foreign investment is assessed quantitatively using both financial and economic cost‐benefit criteria. In general, it appears that foreign investment has been beneficial to both the foreign investors and the national economy. Foreign investors from India have played a particularly important role. However, much of the national returns from foreign investment is derived from the payment of taxes, so that an excessively generous policy of tax incentives may not maximise national returns.     

Comparative anti-corruption policy: the american,soviet and russian cases

In light of significant conceptual and methodological difficulties that face comparative corruption research, we propose to treat comparative anti-corruption policy as worthy of study in its own right. By using measures of enforcement activity as evidence of anti-corruption, rather than flawed proxy measures of corruption, we endeavor to surmount some of obstacles to comparing radically different political systems. We compare anti-corruption activity in the US and the USSR and elaborate three theoretical perspectives-emphasizing political, institutional, and symbolic factors--and show how each might improve our understanding of anti-corruption policy in the two nations. By applying these three frameworks to the Russian republic, we assess anti-corruption policy in an unsettled, emerging political system and suggest that the dynamics that underlie Russia's anti-corruption policy will more closely resemble US policy than was the case in the USSR.     

The lawless presidency: Economic crisis and democratic accountability in Mexico, 1970–94

The Mexican government has adopted policies of market‐oriented reform since 1982 which have for the most part been praised by professional economists. Mexico even joined the Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in 1994. However the performance of the economy has been disappointing. Yet a failure to achieve any real per capita economic growth over an extended period is unusual among Latin American countries which have consistently pursued policies of market‐oriented economic reform. A large part of the explanation has to do with the character of Mexico's political institutions, most notably a lack of democratic accountability. The unmistakable trend toward greater democracy since 1982 has so far been expressed principally in terms of greater honesty and competitiveness in the electoral arena. But there has been no significant reform of the executive branch of government, which has for many years been run on authoritarian principles. This makes it difficult for the Mexican government to control corruption, limit the economic consequences of political shocks and prevent the shifts in political power which occur at the end of each sexenio from destabilising the economy.     

Book reviews

Transnational Citizenship: Membership and Rights in International Migration by Rainer Bauböck. Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1994. Pp. x + 348; references, index. £39.95. ISBN 1 85278 942 5

Postmetaphysical Thinking (translated from Nachmetaphysiche Denken: Philosophische Aufsatze by M.W. Hohengarten) by J. Habermas. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992; Oxford: Polity Press (paperback), 1995. Pp.xx + 241. £12.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 7456 0734 9 and 1412 4

Economic Democracy: The Politics of Feasible Socialism by Robin Archer. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995. Pp. xii + 264. £30 (hardback). ISBN 0 19 827 891 8

Global Society and International Relations: Sociological Concepts and Political Perspectives by Martin Shaw. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995. Pp.197: index. £12.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 7456 1212 1

Great Revolutions Compared: The Outline of a Theory by Jaroslav Krej?í. London and New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1994. Pp. x + 302. £13.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 7450 1408 9

From Chaos to Order: The Politics of Constitution‐Making in Uganda edited by Holger Bernt Hansen and Michael Twaddle. Kampala: Fountain Publishers and London: James Currey, 1995. Pp.194; index. £9.95 (paperback). ISBN 9970 02 044 7 (Fountain); 0 85255 393 5 (James Currey)

Political Parties and the State: The American Historical Experience by Martin Shefter. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994. Pp. xiii + 292; index. £40 (hardback); £14.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 691 03284 X and 00041 1     

Rape,Defendant Anonymity and Evidence‐Based Policy Making

In 2010, the Coalition government announced in its Programme for Government, that: ‘We will extend anonymity in rape cases to defendants.’ The question of anonymity for defendants accused of rape and other sexual offences, has been repeatedly raised in parliamentary debates over several decades, and has also received frequent attention in newspapers and, to a lesser extent, in academic and professional literature. The debate includes an array of factual claims and arguments that rest on weak empirical foundations. In November 2010, the Ministry of Justice published a report entitled: Providing Anonymity to those Accused of Rape: An Assessment of Evidence, which was intended to provide an evaluation of evidence that would inform the debate over defendant anonymity. This article critically examines this report and its discussion of key issues such as false rape allegations, and considers whether its conclusions can be relied upon by policy makers.     

Exploring public values implications of the I-Corps program

This paper examines how the concept of public values can be operationalized in an ongoing public initiative to stimulate innovation in an emerging technology. Our study focuses on Innovation Corps (I-Corps)—a program initiated in 2011 by the National Science Foundation (NSF) to accelerate the process of commercializing science-driven discoveries. The I-Corps method has since spread rapidly across multiple US agencies. Separately, there has also been heightened attention to the early anticipation and mitigation of the implications of emerging science and technology. Drawing on the case of nanotechnology, the paper considers how public values related to nanotechnology commercialization can be integrated alongside the fast start-up procedures embedded in I-Corps. We use a public values framework to pose societal impact questions that can be probed in parallel with the current I-Corps process, highlighting values such as identification of societal problems that the technology might potentially address; types of potential customers likely to be overlooked; groups who might oppose the application as well as those who might support it; and potential environmental, health, and safety risks. The paper discusses the challenges of adding specifications related to equity as well as safety in efforts to foster rapid commercialization and considers how these can be integrated within the I-Corps approach.     

Incarceration and Recidivism among Sexual Offenders

The relationship between incarceration and recidivism was investigated in a sample of 627 adult male sexual offenders. Incarceration for the index offense was unrelated to sexual or violent recidivism. This was the case whether incarceration was examined as a dichotomous variable (incarceration vs. community sentence) or as a continuous variable (length of incarceration). Risk for sexual recidivism was assessed with a modified version of the Rapid Risk Assessment for Sexual Offense Recidivism. There was no evidence that the relationship between incarceration and recidivism was confounded or moderated by risk or that length of incarceration and recidivism were non-linearly associated. Sentencing sexual offenders to terms of incarceration appears to have little, if any, impact on sexual and violent recidivism following release.