Brand response analysis: a Peircean semiotic approach

The purpose of this article is to organise and simplify the concept of brand response. It is a development of the authors' semiotic approach to the concept of brand, which uses a triadic model based on the Peircean levels of analysis of the sign. The original model distinguishes three levels: identity, object and response. This article briefly describes the first two levels and goes into more depth with regard to brand response. From the theoretical point of view, the authors' approach inverts the survey method used to ascertain positioning, image and value of the brand. Firstly, brand response is associations occurring in the minds of the reporting agent. Associations create awareness, and not the other way round, which is the concept underlying the current theory of brand equity. From the point of view of practice, it is the authors' belief that the main contribution made by the triadic semiotic model applied to brand response is that of the importance of “firstness”, i.e. the most immediate response possible. It is with a concern for ease of application that this article hopes to contribute by making brand analysis and assessment more intelligible. This article should be seen as an exploration into the possibility of simplifying the analysis of brand response. Its originality lies in the effort to return to the very reason for the existence of branding. The authors are convinced that by choosing differentiation as the guiding principle of their approach they have valorised what is essential, which is sometimes lost in more complex modelling.     

Social redistribution in federalised Belgium

The federalisation of Belgium has led to a fragmentation of competences in the field of social policy. Only social security has remained an exclusive federal responsibility. However, there have been calls for further federalisation in this policy area. The prominence of interregional financial transfers fuels such calls, while its opponents point out that, among other things, federalisation would result in greater poverty and inequality in Wallonia, a Region that is already disadvantaged in economic terms. In this contribution we first outline the territorial organisation of social policy in a federalised Belgium. We then analyse social transfers between Flanders and Wallonia, focusing on their size and determinants. We demonstrate that these transfers have a considerable equalising and anti-poverty effect. Next, we explore the theoretical arguments for and against federalising social policy, supplemented with examples from the Belgian case. We conclude with an overview of the discussion and indicate some future policy directions.     

The Making of a European Public Sphere: Media Discourse and Political Contention

Territorial autonomy is one aspect of power-sharing in multi-ethnic societies. Nevertheless, the multi-ethnic countries of Central and Eastern Europe are still among the most centralised in the European Union. This article analyses the failure of any attempts to establish (symmetric) federalism or (asymmetric) autonomy, creating self-governed regions by the Hungarian minorities in Romania and Slovakia. The analysis focuses on the positions of the main parties of the ethnic majorities and the Hungarian minority parties in the two countries. In both cases, the parties representing the Hungarian minorities have favoured territorial autonomy along ethnic lines, but this demand has been rejected by the parties of the ethnic majority. Against the historical legacy of unstable borders, the parties of the ethnic majority argue that territorial autonomy or federalisation might be a first step for a revisionist agenda and separatism. Instead, supported by the European integration, the parties have been able to agree on decentralisation as a half-hearted compromise.     

Flagging Democracy

Because of the globalisation of social life, various scholars are developing models for the globalisation of democracy. The need for this lies in the increasing inability of governments to rule. National politics reacts rather than acts. This article does not dispute the misfit of social, political, legal, economic and environmental structures, and its related problems; it does dispute, however, the idea that a solution can be found in scaling up democracy to international proportions. The signifier 'democracy', although increasingly flouting, had become predominant in International Relations discourse. For serious application beyond rhetoric in international relations, this notion of democracy should be split up in concrete indicators, such as transparency, accountability and respect for Human Rights. Moreover, aspiring international democracy ignores that the presence of a central authority (that can be held accountable and responsible) is a precondition inherent to the concept of democracy. Creating this precondition may be worse than the perils of globalisation.     

Federal Deficits, Debt and Interest Costs

Current federal government deficits are of a size unprecedented since World War II. While budget surpluses have been infrequent, deficits before 1982 were small enough that the federal debt shrunk in relation to the size of the economy. Now, however, the federal deficit is stuck at about 5 percent of gross national product, and the ratio of federal debt to gross national product (GNP) is growing rapidly. These large deficits are driving up interest rates, hurting American exports, turning the United States into a debtor nation, and causing government interest outlays to spiral. The possibilities are limited for lowering interest costs through directly reducing interest rates or introducing new Treasury debt management strategies. The only way to cage the interest monster is to enact a substantial package of tax increases and cuts in noninterest spending. We list some possible elements of such a package and show how they might be combined to tame the growth of debt.     

Highly sensitive screening method for nitroaromatic, nitramine and nitrate ester explosives by high performance liquid chromatography-atmospheric pressure ionization-mass spectrometry (HPLC-API-MS) in forensic applications

A highly sensitive screening method based on high performance liquid chromatography atmospheric pressure ionization mass spectrometry (HPLC-API-MS) has been developed for the analysis of 21 nitroaromatic, nitramine and nitrate ester explosives, which include the explosives most commonly encountered in forensic science. Two atmospheric pressure ionization (API) methods, atmospheric pressure chemical ionization (APCI) and electrospray ionization (ESI), and various experimental conditions have been applied to allow for the detection of all 21 explosive compounds. The limit of detection (LOD) in the full-scan mode has been found to be 0.012-1.2 ng on column for the screening of most explosives investigated. For nitrobenzene, an LOD of 10 ng was found with the APCI method in the negative mode. Although the detection of nitrobenzene, 2-, 3-, and 4-nitrotoluene is hindered by the difficult ionization of these compounds, we have found that by forming an adduct with glycine, LOD values in the range of 3-16 ng on column can be achieved. Compared with previous screening methods with thermospray ionization, the API method has distinct advantages, including simplicity and stability of the method applied, an extended screening range and a low detection limit for the explosives studied.     

A Dutch perspective: the limits of lawful euthanasia

Dutch author Ubaldus de Vries reviews the current state of the euthanasia law in the Netherlands. The legislation, enacted in 2001, creates a medical exception that allows for euthanasia in cases where patients experience "hopeless and unbearable suffering." A brief history of the Dutch approach to euthanasia is set forth, case law is reviewed, and the unique role of the doctor is examined in seeking to understand the extent of one's right to euthanasia in the Netherlands. Because the courts must determine what constitutes "hopeless and unbearable suffering," Professor de Vries analyzes the judicial interpretation of "suffering" and concludes that judicial interpretation has reached its limits, and thus by implication, the limits of lawful euthanasia have been reached.