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ROBERT REINER 《The Political quarterly》1992,63(1):37-50
'What people in our own age think of when they hear the words "English police" is an unarmed police force of constables who are ordinarily courteous to tourists, patient, and restrained in confronting crowds.' 相似文献
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PHILIP SALMON 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(1):49-67
SUMMARY Philip Salmon re-examines the place of the Reform Act of 1832 in English parliamentary history as a supposed turning point which averted revolution. Recent scholarship has shown that already before 1832 English radical traditions favoured popular constitutional reform over republicanism, and that changes to the electoral system were in practice not extensive after 1832. The analysis of pollbooks reveals, however, that the incidence of party-based voting was higher after the reform. The author explains how changes in the electoral laws, including those for local elections in the Municipal Corporations Act of 1835, altered the nature of electioneering. The new, more bureaucratic electoral laws on voter registration and qualification, on the manner of taking the poll, and on permitted election costs, all placed a premium on party organization for both local and national elections. The legal complexities led to the formation of local party associations to tackle them, as especially the registration of party supporters as voters required constant vigilance between elections. The adversarial system of registration was a key element in the rise of party-based voting in the 1830s. Confrontational electoral practices politicized the electorate for local as well as national contests, and so contributed to the advance of more persistent party allegiances at both levels. This constitutional realignment underpinned the growth of a more modern English representative democracy. 相似文献
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ROBERT C. HOLLAND 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2013,37(1-2):97-109
Fraud is generally defined as the practice of obtaining credit and property from another by means of deception. When the object of deception used is a valueless cheque, then the conduct is called ‘cheque fraud.’ Cheque fraud is a crime; but unlike other types of crime, such as crimes involving force, cheque fraud is under reported to the police. The reasons for the under reporting are diverse and mean that only about 15% of all offences come to the attention of the police. An Australian study conducted to survey reasons for this under reporting revealed that a major factor affecting victims' reactions to cheque fraud was their ignorance of police functions and an uncertainty whether the passing of valueless cheques could constitute a crime. The results of this study are reported herein. 相似文献
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ROBERT PARKINSON 《今日中国(英文版)》2014,(12):53-53
正THE week-long National Day holiday at the beginning of October is a firm favorite among Chinese employees.It is a prime time for them to ask for leave to go traveling or visit relatives in other cities.However,if you are about to write an email to your Chinese boss to ask for 20 days of annual leave to travel somewhere in China,then I really have to stop you right 相似文献
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In this article we explore the structural shifts which help explain the emergence of UKIP as a major radical‐right political force in Britain. There are two distinct, but related, aspects to this story. The first is the changes to Britain's economic and social structure that have pushed to the margins a class of voters who we describe as the ‘left behind’: older, working‐class, white voters with few educational qualifications. The second is long‐term generational changes in the values that guide British society and shape the outlook of voters. These value shifts have also left older white working‐class voters behind, as a worldview which was once seen as mainstream has become regarded as parochial and intolerant by the younger, university‐educated, more socially liberal elites who define the political consensus of twenty‐first‐century Britain. We then move to consider the political changes that have further marginalised these voters, as first Labour and then the Conservatives focused their energies on recruiting and retaining support from middle‐class, moderate swing voters. Finally, we show how UKIP has developed into an effective electoral machine which looks to win and retain the loyalties of these voters. Finally, we discuss the longer‐term implications of the radical‐right revolt, which has the potential to change the nature of party competition in Britain in the 2015 election and beyond. 相似文献