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991.
Recent research suggests that attitudes toward police hinge upon the procedures officers use in their interactions with the
public. Using survey data collected from a sample of adults arrested and booked into a local jail in Washington County, Arkansas,
this paper examines some of the factors that influence arrestees’ satisfaction with police. Results reveal that the most important
factor influencing arrestees’ opinions of police was their belief in the benevolence of police actions, followed by their
perceptions of the effectiveness of police, whether or not their arresting officer treated them with respect, racial group
membership, and total household income. These findings lend support to the “normative” or “process-based” model of policing.
The authors discuss the implications of these findings for police and jail administrators. 相似文献
992.
Karen Katz 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2011,36(3):231-249
When there is a period devoid of sensationalistic biker news, the public’s concern about outlaw bikers can be quite low. All
it takes is one overt act of violence to heighten the public’s fear of Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs. Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs are
the most current “dangerous class” which have been the subject of a moral panic in Canada. Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs as organized
crime bodies are deemed to be the single most serious threat to the country—the enemy within. The gang war in British Columbia
is fuelled by drugs supplied by the Hells Angels and there is a wide spread fear that these evildoers are trying to harm and
tear apart the fabric of our society. This article provides a critical in-depth analysis of the construction of an Outlaw
Motorcycle Gang moral panic with the focus on Canada. The roles played by the media, politicians, and the public in using
isolated, violent incidents to support their interests will be examined along with the interactions between these groups and
the resultant punitive actions directed toward members of Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs. 相似文献
993.
Andrea Lange 《Trends in Organized Crime》2011,14(1):47-55
Human trafficking is a complex global and national crime problem harming victims physically, psychologically, and financially.
The Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 (TVPA), Pub. La 106–386, and subsequent reauthorizations, provide assistance
and benefits to foreign born victims of labor or sexual human trafficking who are here in the United States. The strategies
used to encourage victims to come forward were modeled on those used in the anti- domestic violence (DV) and child protection
movements. These include initiatives alerting the public to domestic violence situations through awareness campaigns to increase
tips as well as calls for service to police. Other public service initiatives urge victims themselves to self-identify by
calling 1-800 numbers. While these techniques have shown success in reducing incidences of domestic violence and providing
help to victims, their use to combat sex trafficking has not produced the same level of results. This note explores the challenges
for immigrant women victims to self-identify as trafficking victims and urges that evidence-based research is needed to determine
the efficacy of a national call center approach. 相似文献
994.
David R. Sabatelle 《Trends in Organized Crime》2011,14(4):314-331
This study seeks to provide an overview of drug trafficking in Iran, particularly as it relates to the Iran–Afghan and Iran–Pakistan
border regions. Data were obtained from a systematic review of the academic literature and from open sources, including media
reports and official documents. The Iranian government is credited with dedicating substantial resources to combating the
drug trafficking. Despite these efforts, Iran continues to be the most significant transit country for opium and heroin from
Afghanistan. Several factors are identified that help to explain why Iran, despite its efforts, continues to play a central
role in the international drug trade. 相似文献
995.
Glen Wright 《Trends in Organized Crime》2011,14(4):332-346
To date, transnational environmental crime has been poorly attended to by the transnational organised crime and transnational
policing discourse. Academics have focused on individual elements of environmental crime, neglecting a broader theoretical
discussion, while national and international institutions have prioritised other forms of organised crime, giving little thought
to the nuanced nature of transnational environmental crime and how this should be reflected in policing and countermeasures.
This paper attempts to rectify this by conceptualising transnational environmental crime and suggesting ways forward for countermeasure
development. The paper will begin by looking at the problem of environmental crime, its value, scope and effects, concluding
that the damaging nature of transnational environmental crime demands a greater focus on its policing. The nature of transnational
environmental crime will then be discussed by reference to traditional forms of organised crime. It will be argued that, while
transnational environmental crime is a form of organised crime, and has some features in common with the traditional organised
crimes, such as drug smuggling and people trafficking, it is the substantial differences that should guide the approach to
developing countermeasures. The development of effective countermeasures, it is concluded, requires a significant change in
policy at every level. 相似文献
996.
This study examines how the print media constructs signifiers of safety and danger for women. We analyze 155 news articles
regarding crime and criminal justice from 1970 to 1990 in Chatelaine magazine, a Canadian women’s periodical. Both content
and textual analyses are deployed to evaluate the media representations of crime and their role in facilitating images of
fear and safety. We show that the meanings associated with women’s danger and safety in news narratives are socially constructed
through claims, sources, content and culture. We find that news reporting did not initially incorporate signifiers of fear.
However, crime messages increasingly included images of fear in the later reporting period. We argue that the transformations
surrounding these images and texts are influenced by the rise in neoliberal thought in the 1980s. Our results indicate that
ideological struggles external to the media are crucial to the representation of crime, which ultimately influence signifiers
of danger and safety for women. 相似文献
997.
Gabe Tan 《Critical Criminology》2011,19(3):175-196
Building on existing research from a zemiological approach, this article seeks to contribute to a more ontological understanding
of the production and reproduction of harms associated with wrongful imprisonment in England and Wales. Drawing from Anthony
Giddens’s theory of structuration, it is argued that whilst the harms of wrongful imprisonment are both complex and devastating,
victims need not be perceived as entirely passive. Rather, victims of wrongful imprisonment can be viewed as knowledgeable
agents with the intrinsic capacity and agency to strategically cope with and even survive the harms that they experience.
The article concludes with personal accounts by victims of wrongful imprisonment that form an identifiable ‘survivor’ discourse
to highlight some of the key critical factors that are vital in helping victims of wrongful imprisonment to re-structure their
lives after release. 相似文献
998.
Sean Walsh Huifang Tian John Whalley Manmohan Agarwal 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2011,11(3):261-273
In this paper, we discuss a range of issues concerning developing country participation in current global climate change mitigation
negotiations, especially India and China. We argue that the problem of redefining ‘common yet differentiated responsibilities’
in a way which allows developing countries room to pursue their individual development goals while still achieving the necessary
level of carbon mitigation is central to the debate. The choice of negotiating instruments, effective technology transfer
and financial support, and other related issues have been raised principally by China and India, and may also be raised by
several other countries. Kyoto non-compliance by Annex 1 countries will also greatly impact the negotiating power of China
and India and other developing countries. We conclude that, once basic principles are clearly defined, the greatest incentive
for China and India to participate in climate change negotiations is the prospect of future negotiating rounds that can be
linked to a large number of climate change related issues, such as intellectual property, the potential for financial transfers
and trade/market access. 相似文献
999.
Marco Grasso 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2011,11(4):361-377
Justice, by and large, implies greater legitimacy and can persuade parties with conflicting interests to cooperate more closely
on collective actions. Therefore, the aim of this article is to investigate the role that ethical arguments have played in
restoring mutual trust between the developed and the developing countries in negotiations on the Kyoto Protocol Adaptation
Fund and in transforming the patent failure of the Subsidiary Body for Implementation Bonn May 2006 meetings on its management
into the encouraging success of the Nairobi December 2006 round. These meetings are analysed from the perspectives of procedural
and distributive justice in order to interpret the negotiating dynamics and their outcomes. More specifically, procedural
and distributive justice are, respectively, sought in the Bonn and Nairobi formal meetings through reference to, and the emergence
of, principles and criteria of participation, recognition and distribution of power among Parties, and of Parties’ responsibility
for, and vulnerability to, climate impacts. 相似文献
1000.