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51.
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The postmortem diagnosis of shaken baby syndrome, a severe form of child abuse, may be difficult, especially when no other visible signs of significant trauma are obvious. An important finding in shaken baby syndrome is subdural haemorrhage, typically originating from ruptured cerebral bridging veins. Since these are difficult to detect at autopsy, we have developed a special postmortem computed tomographic (PMCT) method to demonstrate the intracranial vein system in infants. This method is minimally invasive and can be carried out conveniently and quickly on clinical computed tomography (CT) systems. Firstly, a precontrast CT is made of the infant's head, to document the original state. Secondly, contrast fluid is injected manually via fontanel puncture into the superior sagittal sinus, followed by a repeat CT scan. This allows the depiction of even very small vessels of the deep and superficial cerebral veins, especially the bridging veins, without damaging them. Ruptures appear as extravasation of contrast medium, which helps to locate them at autopsy and examine them histologically, whenever necessary. 相似文献
53.
A sensitive and reproducible method for the quantitative determination of cathinone (CTN), norpseudoephedrine (NPE, cathine) and norephedrine (NE) from hair was developed. The compounds were extracted for 4 hours with phosphate buffer pH 2.0, followed by a standard solid phase extraction procedure on a mixed phase column, derivatization with heptafluorobutyric anhydride (HFBA) and GC-MS separation and quantification using D(3)-ephedrine (D(3)-E) and alpha-aminoacetophenone (AAP) as the internal standards. The diastereomers NPE and NE were satisfactorily separated. In the validation, the limits of detection and of quantification were determined at 0.03-0.08 ng/mg and 0.10-0.24 ng/mg, respectively and the interday standard deviation was between 10 and 15%. The method was applied to hair samples of 24 Yemenite khat chewers. All three compounds were detected in 23 of these cases. The concentrations ranged from 0.57 to 23.9 ng/mg for NPE, 0.19-25.0 ng/mg for NE and 0.11-22.7ng/mg for CTN. A highly significant correlation was found between the self-reported data about the khat consumption habits of the volunteers (4-56h chewing per week) and the concentrations of norephedrine and norpseudoephedrine in hair. 相似文献
54.
Authentic hair samples from Cannabis users and a drug free hair sample which was separately spiked with tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), cannabidiol (CBD) or cannabinol (CBN) were exposed outside as well as to natural sunlight at prevailing and elevated humidity in quartz glass tubes during 8 weeks. In addition, authentic and spiked hair samples were exposed to xenon arc radiation in a light exposure cabinet for 24 hours. Stability of THC, CBD and CBN in authentic samples differed from that of the spiked hair. The radiation experiment revealed that CBN could not be measured in hair which had been spiked with THC. Under all conditions chosen the concentrations of THC, CBD and CBN decreased. At high humidity the concentrations declined more rapidly. In both authentic and spiked samples THC was most unstable compared to CBD and CBN. Therefore, in hair analysis determination of CBD and CBN seems promising to detect Cannabis exposure even under unfavorable conditions. 相似文献
55.
Rainer Eising 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2004,45(4):494-518
The access of interest groups to EU institutions is often analyzed because biased access might lead to biased policies. Contrary to analyses that pay attention only to the exchange of expertise in EU politics for an explanation of interest group access, the article highlights the role of organisational, sectoral, and systemic factors. These shape the contact patterns of interest groups with EU institutions. It draws on original data based on a survey of 800 German, British, French and EU business associations. Ordinal regressions identify as general features of EU political processes not only the exchange of expertise, but also the pronounced division of labor among EU associations and national associations as well as the privileged access of resourceful interest groups. They also present evidence that the Council, the European Commission, and the European Parliament have quite different criteria for consulting interest groups. 相似文献
56.
Rainer Eising 《管理》2004,17(2):211-245
The article analyzes how business interests responded to European integration. It draws on survey data of eight hundred German, French, British, and European Union (EU) trade associations as well as thirty-four large firms. The argument is that the multilevel governance approach to European integration captures the realities of EU interest intermediation better than neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism. The article suggests that the strategies of interest organizations depend mainly on their location in the EU multilevel system and on their governance capacities. I distinguish two kinds of governance capacities: negotiation capacities and organizational resources. The analysis proceeds in the following steps: After outlining the three theories of European integration and presenting their implications for interest groups, a brief overview of the relative importance for interest organizations of EU and national institutions over time is provided. Then, cluster analysis techniques serve to identify types of interest groups according to their lobbying strategies in the multilevel system: niche organizations, occasional players, traditionalists, EU players, and multilevel players are distinguished. The composition of these clusters and the characteristics of their members support the multilevel governance approach and indicate that multilevel players have greater governance capacities than organizations in the other clusters. 相似文献
57.
Kalla R Brandt T Rettinger N Spiegel F Strupp M Spiegel R 《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2010,38(4):306-315
A total of 300 motorists were recruited at public places to answer a self-report questionnaire on a new community-based intervention to enhance road safety. The intervention consisted of a speed-displaying device that was mounted next to the road and was visible to both motorists and the public. The device gives feedback about the current speed of the motorist. The majority of motorists believed these devices influenced compliance with the speed limit. They indicated they approached locations with these devices more slowly than similar locations without such devices. Moreover, they slowed down if they were going faster than the speed limit. They also said that their reaction to the devices was not influenced by whether they were driving in a community where they had friends or in a community where nobody knew them. These results were consistent across gender, age, levels of education, and professions. 相似文献
58.
59.
Jonathan Sydney Koch 《Astropolitics》2018,16(1):1-27
This article addresses the current lack of a legal framework for the use of space resources found on asteroids and other celestial bodies. In a world of growing inequality and in face of the increasing commercialization of space, governance structures are needed to ensure that the benefits of the “province of all mankind” are not solely reaped by those industrialized nations that have the technological and financial capabilities. Drawing upon the practical achievements of the International Seabed Authority governing the extraction of natural resources from the seabed in areas beyond national jurisdiction, a discursive policy framework for the equitable development of the global commons of space is proposed. Acknowledging the importance of a multi-disciplinary approach, the normative structure is complemented by the insight gained from stakeholders from across sectors, in a critical effort to unite political, ethical, and commercial considerations. 相似文献
60.
This review of Patten’s Equal Recognition suggests that minority rights can be grounded either in cultural accommodation rights or collective self-government rights. I defend four propositions: (1) individuals’ interests in membership in political communities cannot be reduced to their interests in being able to pursue their own conceptions of the good; (2) liberal states do not have to extend neutrality as equal treatment to self-government claims that intersect with their own jurisdiction; (3) claims for the establishment of public languages and territorial autonomy need to be justified on the basis of self-government rights rather than on grounds of equal treatment of cultural identities; (4) as a condition for their admission, immigrants can be expected to waive collective self-government rights rather than cultural protection rights. 相似文献