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141.
Sally Alexander 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(3):273-288
Virginia Woolf's aspiration in A Room of One's Own (1929) for a private space and independence for the 'uneducated' women who would write fiction was echoed in Jipping Street (1928), the fictional autobiography of the working-class Kathleen Woodward, as well as by numerous other women during the period. This article asks why this wish for a room emerged in the twenties, and what is shows about the political affect of feminism at that time. One of the effects of post-suffrage feminism was that working-class women's experience began to be not only observed but listened to, written down and published, but real changes in the legal and economic position of women only came slowly. Both Woolf's polemic and Woodward's fictional autobiography are diatribes against poverty and laments for women's wasted lives. Neither idealized suffering; poverty in their texts was an injustice that aroused anger, not a state of abjection or redemption which required an anguished identification. When these two books were published, just after women's suffrage was achieved, hopes were high. The thirties were a more brutal decade, with unemployment and the growth of fascism, and Woolf's Three Guineas (1938) is darker in tone. Neither Woolf nor Woodward had faith in conventional politics. Instead both writers chose silence, solitude and the aesthetic seduction of words and thoughts. Neither wanted to enter the world of men, but nor did they want to live lives like their mothers. Both these books require of women an inner change. The room represents a transitional space. There was no clear vision of the future yet. As so often with feminist thought, the wish is for a break with the past, a resistance to culture and a change in human nature. 相似文献
142.
143.
The political process in the old Federal Republic was distinguished by all‐pervasive negotiations and an orientation towards consensus, as indicated by the concepts of ‘co‐operative federalism’, ‘co‐operative opposition’ and ‘neo‐corporatism’ frequently used to describe relations between the federation and the state governments, between the federal government and opposition, and between the federal government and organised economic interests. Some observers expected German unification to lead to fundamental changes in these traits. This study of the negotiations which took place over a ‘Solidarity Pact’ between September 1992 and March 1993 concludes that, far from the political process of the old Federal Republic having been transformed by unification, its distinguishing traits appear rather to have been reinforced. It argues that, whilst there will be no second Solidarity Pact, cooperation and compromise will remain more pervasive in the politics of the unified Germany than confrontation and polarisation. 相似文献
144.
Razeen Sally 《West European politics》2013,36(4):561-580
This study is part of a developing corpus on the political economy of the multinational enterprise. It considers the embeddedness of the three Basel‐headquartered chemical multinationals in the ‘private and decentralised’ corporatism of the Swiss political economy. These companies enjoy privileged positions in a policy network weighted towards large business. Such corporate power is evident in the ‘self‐regulation’ of genetic engineering, which has nevertheless been politicised by interest group opposition. Indeed the agitation of ‘outsider’ groups has served to weaken the edifice of Swiss corporatism, the legitimacy of which has been called into question by the Swiss rejection of the European Economic Area. The article concludes with a criticism of corporate inactivity in the EEA referendum campaign, and points to the negative implications of the Swiss ‘No’ for the Basel MNEs. 相似文献
145.
Patricia Easteal Lorana Bartels Sally Bradford 《International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice》2012,40(4):324-337
This paper examines the theory behind and some examples of the relationships between gender, language, cognition and perception in the context of the criminal justice system. In particular, we consider the language of domestic violence and sexual assault and how words and communication styles can affect and are affected by what we think and believe to be ‘reality’. The paper illustrates how the language used to describe violence against women may operate to minimise these acts, and the dominant conversational style and female violence victims' genderlect may collide to produce evidentiary issues and a credibility gap. We argue that there is an inherent dilemma in engaging with legal constructs which continue to negate women's understandings of reality, and that the voices of female rape and domestic violence victims remain muted by the baritone ‘voice’ of the legal system. 相似文献
146.
In July 2019, the UK Parliament voted by an overwhelming majority for fundamental reform of Northern Ireland's archaic abortion laws. Regulations implementing the reform came into effect on 25 March 2020. Drawing on extensive archival resources and a small number of interviews, we locate this extraordinary political moment in a broader historical context. We explore the factors that blocked the possibility of reform in either Westminster or Stormont for over five decades and consider what it was that had changed in 2019 to render it possible. While the measure passed in Westminster represents a radical rupture with the past, we suggest that it was anything other than sudden, rather representing the culmination of decades of sustained campaigning. We conclude by briefly discussing what this change is likely to mean for the future. 相似文献
147.
This article examines the debate within corporate governance about the appointment of female non‐executive directors (NEDs). The first part tracks the diversity story that corporate governance tells about itself from the Cadbury Report (1992) to the Davies Report (2011). The second sets out the evidence used to support the argument that female appointments enhance profits and corporate profile. The third part presents the authors' empirical analysis of FTSE 100 companies and female nonexecutive board membership, and concludes that there is little evidence that companies with female board membership display different characteristics from those without. Industry sector emerges as a significant factor in female appointments. The idea that women should be appointed to boards to increase corporate profitability and profile is not strongly supported by this analysis. A social justice argument based upon the right of woman to equal economic participation opportunities provides a much superior articulation of the need for boardroom diversity. 相似文献
148.
‘Supportive Parenting’, Responsibility and Regulation: The Welfare Assessment under the Reformed Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act (1990) 下载免费PDF全文
Section 13(5) of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990 requires fertility clinics, before offering regulated treatment services, to take account of the welfare of any child who may be born as a result of the treatment and any other child affected by that birth. This paper presents the findings of an empirical study examining the impact on practice of the controversial reform of this section in 2008. While the broad values underpinning section 13(5) appear well embedded in clinic staff's engagement with ethical issues, there is little evidence that practice has been influenced by the 2008 amendments. A complex picture emerged regarding the implementation of section 13(5), particularly in its interaction with other factors, such as funding criteria and professional norms around counselling, implying a higher level of ongoing attention to likely parenting ability – particularly that of single women – than might be expected from a reading of the statute and guidance alone. 相似文献
149.
Assigning the gender of a DNA contributor in forensic analysis is typically achieved using the amelogenin test. Occasionally, this test produces false‐positive results due to deletions occurring on the Y chromosome. Here, a four‐marker “YFlag” method is presented to infer gender using single‐base extension primers to flag the presence (or absence) of Y‐chromosome DNA within a sample to supplement forensic STR profiling. This method offers built‐in redundancy, with a single marker being sufficient to detect the presence of male DNA. In a study using 30 male and 30 female individuals, detection of male DNA was achieved with c. 0.03 ng of male DNA. All four markers were present in male/female mixture samples despite the presence of excessive female DNA. In summary, the YFlag system offers a method that is reproducible, specific, and sensitive, making it suitable for forensic use to detect male DNA. 相似文献
150.
Su Jinni Trevino Angel D. Kuo Sally I-Chun Aliev Fazil Williams Chelsea Derlan Guy Mignonne C. Dick Danielle M. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2022,51(8):1552-1567
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Experiences of racial discrimination have been shown to increase risk for alcohol problems. Some individuals may be particularly vulnerable to the negative... 相似文献