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541.
Rebecca A. Colman Do Han Kim Susan Mitchell-Herzfeld Therese A. Shady 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(3):355-366
Although the number of girls served by the juvenile justice system has grown dramatically, little is known about the adult
offending patterns of delinquent girls and the factors associated with their persistence and desistance from adult crime.
To address this gap, we prospectively track 499 girls (62% Black, 16% Hispanic) discharged from juvenile justice facilities
in the early 1990s and document their adult arrests, convictions, and incarcerations between the ages of 16–28. Trajectory
analysis reveals four distinct early adult offending paths: Rare/Non-Offending (RN), Low Chronic (LC), Low-Rising (LR), and
High Chronic (HC). Girls assigned to the LR and LC path are responsible for a disproportionate amount of adult arrests and
are more likely than girls on the RN and LC path to come from homes characterized by high levels of family dysfunction and
child maltreatment. Adoption of a therapeutic, trauma-sensitive and family-centered approach to female delinquency programming
is recommended.
相似文献
Rebecca A. ColmanEmail: |
542.
Rebecca Adami 《Journal of Human Rights》2018,17(3):357-366
The concept of “intersectional dialogue” is developed in the article to analyze intersections of power in dialogue, specifically in analyzing the relations between the particular and the universal in the negotiations surrounding the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). The drafting of the UDHR is reread to explore how power conflicts over values intersected when unique individuals met in dialogue characterized by conflicting consensuses rather than hegemonic Western domination. The concept of intersectional dialogue helps illustrate how people relate to different social affiliations, as power relations central to dialogue are not static but change with context, setting, and group dynamics. 相似文献
543.
Rebecca?M.?PuhlEmail author Jamie?Lee?Peterson Joerg?Luedicke 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2013,42(3):315-327
Weight-Based Victimization is a frequent experience for adolescents who are overweight or obese, and is associated with numerous psychosocial and physical consequences for those who are targets of victimization. Assessing targets` preferences for different types of support and intervention has been absent in the context of weight-based victimization, but is needed to help inform potential interventions, motivate action, and identify strategies to help adolescents cope with experiences of weight-related teasing or bullying. Adolescents (14–18 years, N = 361, 40 % female, 71 % Caucasian) enrolled in national weight-loss camps completed an on-line survey. Participants who reported previous experiences of weight-based victimization were surveyed about their preferred interventions from peers, friends, teachers, Physical Education (PE) teachers/coaches, and parents. Participants indicated their preferences for specific strategies pertaining to target support, bullying intervention and prevention (e.g., inclusion in peer activities, confronting the bully, telling an adult, and improving anti-bullying policies). Friends (66 %) and peers (58 %) were the most highly preferred intervention agents followed by teachers (55 %), PE teachers/coaches (44 %), and parents (43 %). Participants who experienced more weight-based victimization expressed increased desire for intervention. The frequency of victimization, social support from friends and family, and perceived likelihood and helpfulness of intervention significantly influenced participant preferences for certain types of intervention, although preferences were generally consistent across participants’ characteristics. The current study is the first to document youth’s preferences for interventions in response to weight-based victimization. The findings have important implications for encouraging appropriate intervention and informing bystanders, which may help to reduce the prevalence, recurrence, and consequences for youth who are targets of weight-based teasing or bullying. 相似文献
544.
Rebecca Ruth Gould 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(4):825-831
The IHRA definition is one of the most contentious documents in the history of efforts to combat antisemitism. Although it first became well known in the UK as a result of disputes within the Labour Party, the definition reaches well beyond that context, and has been adopted by universities, city councils, and governments. With its intensive focus on the critique of Israel as a marker of antisemitism, the IHRA definition has been heavily implicated in the suppression of Israel-critical speech in recent years. This article is among the first to adopt a global perspective on the definition—both its history and its content—clarifying the political stakes of this definition and broader paratextual apparatus for a general audience, and provides an explanation of why it should be rejected rather than used to censor Israel-critical speech. 相似文献
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Rebecca Strating 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2019,65(3):449-465
In recent years, maritime sovereignty disputes have become highly visible microcosms of broader contests between security orders in East Asia. Escalating tensions over seas provoke questions about how historical and territorial conceptions of sovereignty map onto maritime areas, and the continuing effectiveness of the so‐called “rules‐based order” in maintaining regimes for deciding jurisdiction of islands, rocks and other maritime land features. The paper examines sovereignty claims and the international law of the sea across various cases, including the contested claims over Dokdo/Takeshima, Senkaku/Diaoyu Dao and China's nine‐dash line. These case studies reveal the tensions between two legal regimes: territorial rules of acquisition (sovereignty) and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). This article concludes by considering the ways that the symbolic nature of these disputes has implications for the capacities of UNCLOS and other legal instruments in the US‐led “rules‐based order” to establish orderly relations among states in the maritime arena. 相似文献
549.
Does internet usage increase the likelihood of political protest, and is the effect larger among women than men? Using data from three waves of the Arab Barometer Survey, historical research and interviews with women activists, this paper contributes to the growing body of literature on information ecology and contentious politics in the Middle East. We hypothesized that the internet increases public protest for all individuals but differentially enhances women’s involvement in public protest in the Middle East. We find that there are substantial gender gaps in internet usage and political protest, and that internet usage increases political protest of adults, on average, regardless of gender. However, internet usage does not differentially increase public protest among women (including during the Arab Spring). Our paper problematizes the notion that the internet is a low-cost and safe space for women’s political activism. 相似文献
550.
Johanna B. Folk Brandy L. Blasko Rebecca Warden Karen Schaefer Patty Ferssizidis Jeffrey Stuewig 《Victims & Offenders》2016,11(3):436-454
The current study evaluated the feasibility and acceptability of a manualized Impact of Crime (IOC) group intervention implemented with male inmates (N = 108) at a county jail. Facilitator adherence to the intervention and participant attendance, homework completion, and feedback were assessed. On average facilitators covered 93.7% of each manual topic. Victim speaker recruitment was a challenge—43.5% of relevant sessions lacked victim speakers. Findings suggested significant participant engagement—67.3% attended at least 75% of sessions and 93.3% of homework assignments were submitted on time. Overall, participants indicated satisfaction with the intervention. Successful strategies, challenges, and potential enhancements are discussed. 相似文献