Policy failure and public support: The Iran-Contra affair and public assessment of President Reagan

The Iran-Contra affair is an example of the type of event that is expected to give rise to a rally of public opinion behind the president. However, the public's response to this event, uncharacteristically, was a sharp decrease in support for President Reagan. This case study constitutes an attempt to explore the sources of the public opinion response to foreign policy events. Statements of political elites, news coverage and commentary, and public opinion assessments are examined to test the patriotism, priming, and opinion leadership explanations of the rally phenomenon. The actions of opinion leaders appears to provide the best explanation of the differential public response to the Iran-Contra affair.     

The "mini-packer" syndrome. Fatal ingestion of drug containers in Baltimore, Maryland

We report seven fatalities resulting from the ingestion of illicit drugs packaged in condoms, rubber balloons, or plastic bags which were observed in the last 4 years at the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner, State of Maryland. All the victims, with the exception of one, were men ranging in age from 19 to 37 years. There was no racial predominance. No drug paraphernalia was found at any scene. In two cases, seizure-like activity was documented. One victim had recently returned from Nigeria; therefore, Lassa fever was initially suspected. Two of the victims were "body packer" contrabanders who had just arrived from Africa. They used body cavities to hide large amounts of heroin to avoid U.S. Customs. The other five cases were "mini-packers," small-time illicit drug dealers who had swallowed a single bag of cocaine to avoid police detection. The possible mechanism of leaking or rupture of the latex container is discussed.     

Realization of an adaptive method of simulating the process of temperature change of a cadaver on a microcomputer

Programme based on mathematical model of the process of dead body temperature changing was developed for estimation of postmortem interval. Automatic retrieval of problem solution was performed on programmable microcalculators of "Electronica MK-61" type using adaptive approach. Diagnostical accuracy in case of dead body being preserved in permanent cooling conditions is +/- 3%.     

Brief for 885 law professors in support of maintaining adherence to the Roe decision

This brief opposes the overturn of "Roe v. Wade" and resists weakening "Roe's central holding" that would allow states to overturn legal abortion. The brief was written for 885 law professors. "Roe" was not a "constitutional aberration," or "an exercise of raw, judicial power." Some members of the Supreme Court seem to think that the state has "an overriding interest" in protecting fetal life. Some Court members have questioned "Roe's" trimester framework. A person's decision to abort should be done privately. If women are not free to choose abortion, they will not have equality. There is an absence of "express rights of privacy and procreational freedom" in the Constitution. "Roe" was 1 instance of the Court's recognition of constitutional rights that are not named explicitly. Historical materials are drawn on to show the link between trends in society and the "judicial recognition of unenumerated rights." The most serious questions about "Roe" deal with its trimester framework. Justice Blackmun's majority opinion said that the 1st trimester of pregnancy was personal. "Roe" said that abortions created a medical risk at the beginning of the 2nd trimester. Therefore, the government was more interested in the health of the mother at that time. The state could then regulate abortion "in ways that are reasonable related to maternal health." The start of the 3rd trimester was when the fetus was viable. The right of a woman to end her pregnancy "offends powerful moral forces." Some of "Roe's" critics had their scientific facts wrong. Medical authorities think Justice O'Connor is mistaken when she says that "Roe" is "on a collision course with itself." The 23rd to 24th week of pregnancies where the fetal organs can "sustain life outside the womb." This has not changed since "Roe" was decided in 1973, nor is it likely to in the future. Some "amici" believe that the state can never have an interest in the fetus. The state can not have an interest in the fetus distinct from the woman who will give birth to it. During previability, restricting a woman's procreational rights would not be scientifically supportable. The state does have an interest in "upholding the value of human life." "Roe" is "within the mainstream" of constitutional jurisprudence and should be reaffirmed.     

对《中华人民共和国法律汇编:1979—1986》的反思

<正> 在1987年8月24日的《北京周报》上,我第一次谈到的有关中国立法文选的一个短评。几个月后,在中国首都,我起初拟买两卷中国法律汇编。遗憾的是,在我所光顾的书店里,所有能买到的只有英译的刑法和刑事诉讼法,以及若干有关国家外资经济之立法的译本。据悉,我所要买的那两个版本,很快便销售一空。只是到了后来,通过一位在人大常委会秘书处工作的好心年青人,我才终于搞到那套书。这个两卷本的法律汇编共有约800页,外国人对之有兴趣是可以理解的。它提供了120多个当今中国有效的法规英译名。这个版本是"法制委员会     

A precise method for evaluating election schemes

A previously published paper evaluated election schemes under a wide variety of election circumstances. This paper improves upon the previous work by refining the measures used to rate the election schemes and increasing the statistical significance of those ratings. With these modifications, we can now draw some new conclusions:

1. In general circumstances, the Borda System outperforms the Copeland System which outperforms Approval which outperforms Majority Rule.
2. The Maximin Rule — strongly supported by Rawls's — turns out to be a reasonable election rule if the number of election alternatives is large relative to the number of voters.
3. With two exceptions, all our election systems performed quite well given a society with highly correlated utilities.
4. Given a polarized society, a serial dictatorship was better than every other election system except Borda.

Perhaps even more importantly, we now have the possibility of conducting some cost/benefit analyses of different proposals for electoral changes.     

New voices from the ship of fools

Conventional left accounts of Thatcherism have stressed the authoritarian nature of its political rhetoric. This paper suggests that convergences between the new conservatism and more fundamentalist moral positions, meeting on the ground of obscenity and violence in the media, are a relatively recent development, associated with renewed strategic concentration on the question of law and order. Indeed, the libertarian right, in adhering to a utilitarian laissez-faire understanding of private pleasures, has presided over a positive proliferation of erotic and other gratifications. We argue that in the United Kingdom the authentic constituency of the moral right is an increasingly socially marginal one, rendered progressively more so by the rapid development of technologies of communication and entertainment.