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101.
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This note examines the existence of a long‐run, cointegrating relationship between population and per capita GDP in India for 1950–93. Unit root tests show that per capita GDP is integrated of order one while population is integrated of order zero; further, estimation of the bi‐variate relationship using the cointegration procedure of Johansen shows that no long‐run relationship exists. Thus, population growth neither causes per capita income growth nor is caused by it. A corollary is that population growth neither stimulates per capita income growth nor detracts from it. 相似文献
103.
Richard Sim 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(2):211-215
The London‐based Institute for the Study of Conflict (ISC) was the first body to research systematically into low‐intensity warfare. It has chronicled in its house journal, Conflict Studies, the rise of terrorism and political violence throughout the world and has contributed toward an understanding of its causes. New developments include the establishment of a U.S. Committee in North America, chaired by George Ball, and plans for 1978 to publish through branch offices in Germany, France and Latin America. The facilities of the ISC, which is industrially financed, are open to scholars on the acceptance of a formal application. 相似文献
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Commentary on: Gibbons J,Mojica A,Peele M. Human electrical muscular incapacitation and effects on QTc interval. J Forensic Sci https://doi.org/10.1111/1556‐4029.13490. Epub 2017 April 17 下载免费PDF全文
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Michael S. Lewis-Beck Richard Nadeau Angelo Elias 《American journal of political science》2008,52(1):84-95
Conventional wisdom argues that national economic perceptions generally have an important impact on the vote choice in democracies. Recently, a revisionist view has arisen, contending that this link, regularly observed in election surveys, is mostly spurious. According to the argument, partisanship distorts economic perception, thereby substantially exaggerating the real vote connection. These causality issues have not been much investigated empirically, despite their critical importance. Utilizing primarily American, and secondarily British and Canadian, election panel surveys, we confront directly questions of the time dynamic and independent variable exogeneity. We find, after all, economics clearly matters for the vote. Indeed, once these causality concerns are properly taken into account, the impact of economic perceptions emerges as larger than previously thought. As well, the actual impact of partisanship is clearly reduced. 相似文献
109.
Richard Squires 《Society》2008,45(3):277-282
The Interstate Sprawl System is an article about the role of automobile transportation in the culture and civilization of
the USA. After demonstrating that all previous civilizations in history have gathered around trading ports, where land values
rise as the proximity to the port increases, it analyses the changes wrought by the grid system of transportation brought
on by the automobile in the USA, where land values remain fairly constant and no core trading centers can be found. These
changes include the decimation of the old port cities as well as the urbanization of rural lands. The article concludes with
an appeal to encourage inter-city rapid rail as the obvious antidote to the problem.
相似文献
Richard SquiresEmail: |
110.
Trade has again emerged as a controversial issue in America, yet we know little about the ideas that guide American thinking on these questions. By combining traditional survey methods with experimental manipulation of problem content, this study explores the ideational landscape among elite Americans and pays particular attention to how elite Americans combine their ideas about commerce with their ideas about national security and social justice. We find that most American leaders think like intuitive neoclassical economists and that only a minority think along intuitive neorealist or Rawlsian lines. Among the mass public, in contrast, a majority make judgments like intuitive neorealists and intuitive Rawlsians. Although elite respondents see international institutions as promising vehicles in principle, in practice they favor exploiting America's advantage in bilateral bargaining power over granting authority to the World Trade Organization. The distribution of these ideas in America is not arrayed neatly along traditional ideological divisions. To understand the ideational landscape, it is necessary to identify how distinctive mentaal models—mercantilist, neorealist, egalitarian, and neoclassical economic—sensitize or desensitize people to particular aspects of geopolitical problems, an approach we call cognitive interactionism. 相似文献