Isotope ratio mass spectrometry as a tool for forensic investigation (examples from recent studies).

The versatility of isotope ratio mass spectrometry is demonstrated by reference to diverse case studies. Variations in the natural isotopic composition of non-biological, organic materials are compared as a means by which samples may be associated or discriminated. These techniques may be used to augment or compliment conventional forensic methodologies. delta13C analysis was used to demonstrate that different masking tape had been recovered in two, apparently similar cases, involving the smuggling of money. Visually similar ecstasy tablets were compared by consideration of the delta13C and delta15N composition of MDMA extracted from the tablets. Although only a limited number of tablets were analysed, the isotopic similarity between two different seizures was sufficient to induce a guilty plea from a person suspected of possessing both. A combination of delta2H, delta13C, delta15N and delta18O together with GC-MS analyses were applied to small samples of seized heroin. Although GC-MS analysis indicated differences between the chemical composition of two of the heroin samples, isotopic analysis suggested similarities, which were confirmed by further delta2H, delta13C and delta18O isotopic analysis of the clingfilm in which the samples were wrapped.     

End of an Era? Anti‐Americanism in the Australian Labor Party

Anti‐Americanism, sometimes called the “last acceptable prejudice”, is a common phenomenon in the modern era. This paper explores the ebb and flow of anti‐Americanism in the Australian Labor Party in the post‐Second World War period and argues that while at times it was reasonable or proportionate, at others such criticism became unreasonable, disproportionate and therefore prejudicial. When this occurs the Australia‐US alliance can become strained, the Australian electorate tends to become sceptical of the ALP's credentials on national security and the party's electoral prospects also tend to suffer. Nevertheless, following the brief leadership of the stridently anti‐American Mark Latham, such sentiment in the ALP has been widely discredited and is unlikely to emerge again in its prejudicial form for some time, marking the end of an era.     

Social Dialogue in European Professional Football

Social dialogue refers to discussions, consultations, negotiations and joint actions involving organisations representing the two sides of industry, namely employers and workers. The constitutional basis for social dialogue is located within Articles 153–155 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. In July 2008, a social dialogue committee in European professional football was established. This article assesses the significance of this move and argues that the committee has the long‐term potential to transform industrial relations in European football based on the conclusion of binding collective agreements. In the shorter term, the committee performs two functions: first, as a means of effecting a change in governance standards in European football and as a lobbying technique for the social partners in terms of their relationship with the EU; second, as a venue for a negotiated settlement between the rival interests operating within the EU's sports policy subsystem.     

Eurasian Economic Union: present and future perspectives

This paper analyzes the economic and political situation in the Eurasian Economic Union. The basic question is why it was created after the failure of all previous integration projects in the Commonwealth of Independent States and Central Asian region? The paper examines the effects and opportunities for the regional economy of economic sanctions imposed on Russia and of Russian counter-sanctions. It also analyzes relations between the Eurasian Economic Union and the European Union and draws perspectives and policy implications for their future relations.     

Britain's ‘betrayal’ of Hong Kong: A second look

Claims of British bungling and betrayal were repeatedly raised during the prolonged run‐up to the 1997 Hong Kong handover. This paper seeks to evaluate such claims. It examines five controversial episodes of reputed British mishandling of the Hong Kong transition: (1) Governor Murray MacLehose's reputed double faux pas of March 1979, when the governor first putatively erred by prematurely (and unnecessarily) raising the ‘1997 question’ in a routine meeting with Deng Xiaoping and then compounded his error by misrepresenting Deng's less‐than‐reassuring response; (2) Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's 1982 miscalculation in requesting a 50‐year extension of the New Territories lease when it was already abundantly clear that Chinese leaders regarded the original lease as ‘unequal'—and therefore non‐binding; (3) Britain's 1987 decision to unilaterally postpone Hong Kong's first direct legislative elections, a decision defended on the disingenuous grounds that government surveys had revealed a majority of the Hong Kong public to be opposed to rapid democratization; (4) Britain's ostensible failure, in the aftermath of the 1989 Tiananmen debacle, to secure the inclusion of adequate democratic safeguards in the final draft of the Hong Kong Basic Law, completed early in 1990; and (5) Governor Chris Patten's ill‐starred democratic reform initiatives of 1992–95, which sharply reversed Britain's previous ‘convergence’ policy and ultimately led to the derailing of Hong Kong's vaunted ‘through train’. Examining available evidence on these five episodes (and one or two other, related cases), this paper argues that despite occasional, palpable policy miscalculations and a notable lack of official candor, Britain did not do serious harm to the vital interests of Hong Kong. On the contrary, the paper argues, given the substantial advantage in resources and leverage enjoyed by the Chinese side throughout the transition period, a more favorable outcome could hardly have been achieved. The one residual allegation of British betrayal that cannot readily be countered, however, is the charge that racism within Britain's ruling Conservative Party—manifested in Parliamentary legislation severely restricting the flow of immigrants from British colonial territories—played a significant role in the British Government's choice of tactics in dealing with the ‘1997 question’.     

Political Data in 1997

European Journal of Political Research -     

A Comparison of Forensic and Nonforensic Malingerers: A Prototypical Analysis of Explanatory Models

Explanatory models of malingering strive to understand the primary motivation underlying attempts to feign. Rogers, Sewell, and Goldstein (1994) provided empirical support for the conceptualization of pathogenic, criminological, and adaptational models. In the current study, a prototypical analysis of 221 forensic experts results in a slightly refined formulation: the adaptational model was decomposed into its two broad dimensions (cost–benefit analysis and adversarial setting). An important finding is that the factor structure for the explanatory models remained stable when applied to both forensic and nonforensic cases. As a first investigation, significant differences were observed in prototypical cases of malingering by the category of referral (forensic or nonforensic) and by type of feigning (mental disorders, cognitive impairment, and medical syndromes). Surprisingly, the feigning of medical syndromes appeared to play a relatively prominent role in both forensic and nonforensic cases and to be influenced by the apparent adversarial context of the assessment. Finally, important gender differences were observed, especially with nonforensic prototypical cases of malingering.