A Review of: “The U.S. Catholic Press on Central America: From Cold War Anticommunism to Social Justice,by Edward T. Brett”

In a few short years, the World Wide Web has become a standard part of candidates' campaign tool kits. Virtually all candidates have their own sites, and voters, journalists, and activists visit the sites with increasing frequency. In this article, we study what candidates do on these sites—in terms of the information they present—by exploring one of the most enduring and widely debated campaign strategies: “going negative.” Comparing data from over 700 congressional candidate Web sites, over three election cycles (2002, 2004, and 2006), with television advertising data, we show that candidates go negative with similar likelihoods across these media. We also find that while similar dynamics drive negativity on the Web and in television advertising, there are some notable differences. These differences likely stem, in part, from the truncated sample available with television data (i.e., many candidates do not produce ads). Our results have implications for understanding negative campaigning and for the ways in which scholars can study campaign dynamics.     

Interests over norms in western policy towards the Caucasus: How Abkhazia is no one's Kosovo

The potentially numerous cases of ‘genocide’ around the world can now invoke the precedent of NATO's use of military force for humanitarian purposes against Serbia in spring 1999. Such a claim was suggested by Georgian President Eduard Shevardnadze over Georgia's disputed former autonomous republic of Abkhazia. The conflict over this former ‘Soviet Riviera’ again demonstrates the constraints behind gaining accurate information on the causes and consequences of a conflict. Particularly, it illustrates the difficulty of determining what constitutes ‘genocide’ and against whom, as both the Abkhaz and the displaced Georgians make such claims. On that basis, each party can expect ‐ and equally fear ‐ a NATO‐style military intervention. In the event, even if both sides view themselves as victims of ‘genocide’ and entitled to such intervention, Western perceptions of strategic interests in the Caucasus prevent this scenario. The determination of injustices, quite apart from their redress, goes unanswered.     

Customising Freedom of Information Law Reform in South Pacific Micro-States

Abstract

This article highlights the importance of adopting a pluralist approach to developing freedom of information (FOI) schemes within specific states in an age of ‘adopter intensification’. The limitations of imposing universal ‘off the shelf’ schemes without addressing multifaceted and unique state requirements are highlighted. The South Pacific Region is utilised as an example that demonstrates adoption is merely the initial and simplest step in an ongoing process of adaption and implementation. Comprehension of the ongoing commitment required in implementing effective FOI schemes should exist prior to legislative conception. Draft schemes must consider not only the supply and demand element of FOI within specific states, but also their broader macro- and micro-level intricacies. Vanuatu and Tonga are used as examples to demonstrate that even where a pluralist and staged approach is undertaken progress can still be slow and problematic.     

Is there a role for the application of customary law in addressing aboriginal criminality in Australia

In the past decade, there has been no shortage of empirical evidence that supports the poor health, education, and employment prospects for Aboriginal Australians. Moreover, Aboriginal people are far more likely than non-Aboriginal people to be drawn to the attention of police and taken into custody. Their presence in the criminal courts is disproportionately high and they are vastly over-represented in prison. Commission after commission and study after study have concluded that Indigenous Australians are at vastly greater risk of threat to life, victimization, and health than non-Indigenous Australians. This essay argues that there are grounds for greater recognition of Aboriginal customary law as a means of addressing the malaise. It reviews the political and legal climate in which such responses to Aboriginal criminality are currently being addressed. Presented at the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences Conference, Louisville, Kentucky, 13 March 1997. The author acknowledges the help of Paul Martin, legal practice librarian, University of South Australia and the resources of Graceland College.     

Coastal Oil Pollution: Spills,Crisis, and Policy Change1

The federal government's adoption of the Oil Pollution Act of 1990 represented a radical statutory departure from past policy. Coastal oil spill control provisions that had languished for decades within the industry-friendly confines of a few select congressional subcommittees suddenly became law. Much popular belief credits the 1989 Exxon Valdez spill crisis for bringing about this radical policy change. Closer examination reveals that postcrisis policy change is much more complex. Crisis events intermingle with other short- and long-term factors that either inhibit or support dramatic change. This study analyzes change within the coastal spill arena over several decades. Particular attention is given to crisis episodes, periods identified with a major catastrophe or a successive series of attention-getting spills over a brief time. Analysis finds that crises can play an instrumental role in eliciting change.