The regulatory approach to privacy protection taken by many foreign jurisdictions is markedly different from that of the United States. The European Union (EU) best illustrates the international approach with its comprehensive privacy directive that applies to all EU members. By contrast, the approach regarding data privacy in the United States has been to pass industry-specific laws and often only in response to public outcry over some privacy concern. These fundamental differences have been the source of some conflict in international commercial transacting. Now that the global community is committed to eliminating terrorism, it remains to be seen if these different attitudes toward privacy by the United States and much of the rest of the world will affect global attempts to weed out terrorists. This article discusses the constitutional basis for most US policy approaches to privacy regulation. The article explains how the US constitution is the source for most of the differences between the US and international regulatory approaches to information privacy. Finally, the discussion addresses how new issues regarding privacy in the war on terrorism may be addressed by US Constitutional law. 相似文献
Approaches and instruments focused on market mechanisms and private enterprises, including private protected areas, are promoted as ways to resolve global environmental and developmental problems. In Indonesia, Ecosystem Restoration Concessions (ERCs) have been developed as a new market-oriented governmental instrument to counter current deforestation processes and to restore forest ecosystems. Conservation and development organizations, along with state authorities, view ERCs as a highly promising instrument in Indonesia and in other countries as well. Experiences with ERCs are still limited, however, and their viability is uncertain. The implementation of ERCs in Indonesia has been controversial and the impact of ERCs on forests and forest-dependent communities has been fiercely disputed. This article explores these conflicts and disputes with a focus on the Harapan ERC and weighs the relevance of ERCs for German development cooperation. The improvement of the accountability of such projects and the implementation of mediation facilities are emphasized as prerequisites to establishing such market-oriented instruments according to international standards of nature conservation, the rights of indigenous and local populations, and sustainable development. The author concludes that decisions about strategies and instruments applied in forest-related development cooperation must involve a reconsideration of the mindsets that currently determine conservation approaches and development cooperation. 相似文献
William A. Clark, Crime and Punishment in Soviet Officialdom. Combating Corruption in the Political Elite, 1965–1990. London: M. E. Sharpe, 1993, xi + 242 pp., $49.95 h/b, $16.50 p/b
Leslie Holmes, The End of Communist Power. Anti‐Corruption Campaigns and Legitimation Crisis. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993, xx + 358 pp., £45.00 h/b, £13.95 p/b.
Rachel Walker, Six Years that Shook the World: Perestroika—the Impossible Project. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993, viii + 312 pp., £35.00 h/b, £9.99 p/b.
Stephen R. Graubard (ed.), Exit From Communism. New Brunswick, NJ, and London: Transaction Publishers, 1993, 292 pp., $19.95.
Sergei V. Chugrov, Rossiya i Zapad: Metamorfozy Vospriyatiya. Moscow: Nauka, 1993.
Zoltan D. Barany, Soldiers and Politics in Eastern Europe, 1945–90. London: Macmillan, 1993, xi + 243 pp., £40.00.
Paul Hockenos, Free to Hate. The Rise of the Right in Post‐communist Eastern Europe. London: Routledge, 1993, x + 332 pp., £17.99.
Ben Eklof (ed), School and Society in Tsarist and Soviet Russia. New York: St Martin's Press, and Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1993, xii + 254 pp., illustrations, index, £45.00.
Timothy Edward O'Connor, The Engineer of Revolution. L. B. Krasin and the Bolsheviks, 1870–1926. Oxford: Westview, 1992, xix + 322 pp., £36.95. 相似文献
Emotional separation and parental trust in parent–adolescent relationships are important factors for adolescent identity formation. However, prior research findings on emotional separation are inconsistent. This study aimed to conduct a more rigorous examination of the associations of emotional separation and parental trust with identity synthesis, confusion, and consolidation by applying a bi-factor model to identity, using adolescent samples from Lithuania (N?=?610; 53.9% female; Mage?=?14.92), Italy (N?=?411; 57.4% female; Mage?=?15.03), and Japan (N?=?759; 43.7% female; Mage?=?14.13). Structural equation modeling revealed that emotional separation and parental trust were consistently associated with identity consolidation across the three countries, rather than associated with identity synthesis and identity confusion. Furthermore, the patterns of associations of emotional separation and parental trust with identity synthesis and identity confusion differed across the three nations. Overall, this study provides a better understanding of the role of emotional separation and parental trust in adolescent identity formation by suggesting the importance of the identity consolidation in the association between parent–child relationships and identity formation across three countries. 相似文献
This paper highlights the importance to just war theory of ontological questions about the constitution of personal identity. It does so through a critical reinterpretation of Michael Walzer’s invocation of a supreme emergency exemption to the principles of jus in bello. Walzer’s argument has been widely criticised for attaching more importance to communities than to individuals. I argue that his position normatively prioritises individuals, but is grounded in a holistic ontology. He valorises political community only because of its importance to the individuals who comprise it. On this view, each community forms a moral world and shapes individual identity. This gives individuals a highest order interest in being part of an autonomous community and makes threats to communal existence a form of moral disaster. The paper concludes that the debate about supreme emergency should engage with ontological questions, and that such engagement would mean problematising the study of what liberalism demands in international ethics. 相似文献
The article deals with recent developments in the field of biopolitics, which may lead to a fundamental change in the relationship between medicine, society and the individual. While the social scientific debates evaluated these developments rather controversial, there seems to be a tacit consensus regarding the homogeneity of the biopolitical field: its dynamics is interpreted either in terms of a biologisation and naturalisation of social life or in terms of increasing individual self-determination and of the emerging new forms of biosociality. This opposition is, however, ignoring the fact that, within biopolitics, we are rather facing different and heterogeneous social and technological dynamics. To comprehend this complexity, we are discerning four biopolitical dynamics: the extension of medical diagnosis, the extension of therapies and medical technologies, the detemporalisation of illness and the direct enhancement of human nature. These dynamics are not only questioning well-established conceptions of human nature, but tend to affect or even undermine the distinctions between health/illness and therapy/enhancement. In our conclusion, we are addressing the question of possible social limits to these tendencies of biopolitical transgressing of boundaries. 相似文献
The contention that ‘democracies do not ?ght one another’ has gained widespread acceptance in the discipline of international relations, as well as among policymakers and international institutions. In the post-Cold War era, this contention has formed part of the justi?cation for making development assistance conditional on democratic reforms in recipient countries. This article explores the democratic peace thesis in relation to Sub-Saharan Africa, and argues that the relationship between peace and democracy is much more complex than commonly allowed for in conventional liberal analyses. Contemporary development policies that are intended to promote peace, democracy and stability are frequently implicated in the production and continuation of con?ict. Accordingly, the article contends that many of Africa’s conflicts and so-called ‘failed states’ are best understood in light of policies inspired, in part, by the principles of the democratic peace thesis. The argument is illustrated with reference to four countries on the African continent: Côte d’Ivoire, Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Zambia.相似文献