Income, Occupation, and Preferences for Redistribution in the Developing World

Much of the theoretical work on preferences for redistribution begins with the influential Melzer–Richard model, which makes predictions derived both from position in the income distribution and the overall level of inequality. Our evidence, however, points to limitations on such models of distributive politics. Drawing on World Values Survey evidence on preferences for redistribution in 41 developing countries, we find that the preferences of low-income groups vary significantly depending on occupation and place of residence, union members do not hold progressive views, and inequality has limited effects on demands for redistribution and may even dampen them.

The ethnic and non-ethnic politics of everyday life in Bulgaria's southern borderland

Ethnicity is found in real-world contexts where non-ethnic forms of identification are available. This conclusion is drawn from an empirical study carried out in the multiethnic town of Kurdzhali in Southern Bulgaria, where members of the Bulgarian majority live alongside the Turkish minority. Drawing on the “everyday nationhood” agenda that aims to provide a methodological toolkit for the study of ethnicity/nationhood without overpredicting its importance, the study involved the collection of survey, interview, and ethnographic data. Against the expectations of some experienced scholars of the Central and Eastern Europe region, ethnic identity was found to be more salient for the majority Bulgarians than for the minority Turks. However, the ethnographic data revealed the importance of a rural–urban cleavage that was not predicted by the research design. On the basis of this finding, I argue that the “everyday nationhood” approach could be improved by including a complementary focus on non-ethnic attachments that have been emphasized by scholarship or journalism relevant to the given context. Rather than assuming the centrality of ethnicity, such an “everyday identifications” approach would start from the assumption that ethnic narratives of identity always have to compete with non-ethnic ones.     

Book reviews

Slums of Hope: shanty towns of the Third World. Peter Lloyd, Harmondsworth, England: Penguin. 1979. 246 pp. £1.25 pb.

Agrarian Revolution: social movements and export agriculture in the underdeveloped world. Jeffery M Paige, London: Collier Macmillan. 1978. 435pp. £5.25 pb.

Population and Development: high and low fertility in poorer countries. Edited by Geoffrey Hawthorn, London: Frank Cass. 1978. 210pp. £11.00.

Theory of International Politics. Kenneth N Waltz, Reading: Addison‐Wesley. 1979.304 pp. £2.50.

The Commonwealth Office 1925–68. Joe Garner, London: Heinemann. 1978. 478 pp. £19.50.

Commodity Conflict: the political economy of international commodity negotiations. L N Rangarajan, London: Croom Helm. 1978. 390 pp. £12.95.

Global Fracture: the new international economic order. Michael Hudson, New York: Harper &; Row. 1977. 296 pp. £12.50

The Evolution of the International Economic Order. W Arthur Lewis, Princeton University Press. 1978. 81 pp. £5.00

The Newly Industrialising Countries and the Adjustment Problem. Foreign and Commonwealth Office, London: FCO. 1979. 96 pp.

Nuclear Weapons and World Politics: alternatives for the future. David C Gombert et al, New York: McGraw Hill. 1977. 370 pp. £5.20 pb.

Poverty, Wealth of Mankind. Albert T Tévoèdjrè, Oxford: Pergamon. 1979. 200 pp. £10.00. £5.00 pb.

Hosts and Guests: an anthropology of tourism. Edited by Valene L Smith, Oxford: Blackwell. 1978. 254 pp. £8.00.

Taxation and Economic Development: twelve critical studies. Edited by J F J Toye, London: Frank Cass. 1978. 299pp. £11.50.

The OPEC Market to 1985. Farid Abolfathi et al. Lexington, Massachusetts: Lexington Books (distributed in the UK by Teakfield). 1977. 406 pp. £15.00.

Mosquitoes, Malaria and Man: a history of the hostilities since 1880. Gordon Harrison, London: John Murray. 1978. 314pp. £8.50.

Minerals in African Undervelopment. S A Ochola, London: Bogle‐L'Ouverture. 1975. 148 pp. £5.00. £1.50 pb.

Mineral Economics and Basic Industries in Asia. K P Wang and E Chin, Boulder, Colorado: Westview (distributed in the UK by Ernest Benn). 1978. 358 pp. £16.10.

International Resource Flows. Edited by G and L A Garvey, Lexington, Massachusetts: D C Heath (distributed in the UK by Teakfield). 1977. 202 pp. £13.75.

How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Walter Rodney, London: Bogle‐L'Ouverture Publications. 1972. 316 pp. £0.65 pb.

Britain, the EEC and the Developing World. Matthew McQueen, London: Heinemann Educational. 1977. 115 pp. £1.25 pb.

African History. P Curtin, S Feierman, L Thompson, and J Vansina, London: Longman. 1978. 612pp. £9.75.

African Historical Studies. E A Ayandele, London: Frank Cass. 1979. 314pp. £12.00.

Nigerian Historical Studies. E A Ayandele, London: Frank Cass. 1979. 305pp. £12.00.

West African Resistance: the military response to colonial occupation. Edited by Michael Crowder, London: Hutchinson. 1978. 314pp. £3.75.

The Population of Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. Simeon Ominde, Nairobi, Kenya: Heinemann Educational. 1975. 124 pp. £2.50

The Widening Gulf: Asian nationalism and American policy. Selig S Harrison, New York: The Free Press. 1978. 468 pp. $15.95.

US Strategy in the Indian Ocean: the international response. Monoranjan Bezboruah, London: Praeger. 1977. 268 pp. £12.50.

Zionism and the Palestinians. Simha Flapan, London: Croom Helm. 1979. 361 pp. £11.95.

The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company 1660–1760. K N Chaudhuri, Cambridge University Press. 1978. 629 pp. £37.50.

A Shaft of Sunlight. Philip Mason, New Delhi: Vikas. 1978. 240 pp.

Bhutan: the dragon kingdom in crisis. Nari Rustomji, Delhi: Oxford University Press. 1978. 150pp. £4.50.

Sons of the Soil: migration and ethnic conflict in India. Myron Weiner, Princeton University Press. 1978. 383 pp.

Energy and Economic Development in India. R K Pachauri, New York: Praeger. 1977. 185 pp. £14.00.

Frogs in a Well: Indian women in purdah. Patricia Jeffery, London: Zed Press. 1979. 187 pp. £7.50. £2.95 pb.

Land and Power in South America. Sven Lindqvist, Harmondsworth, England: Penguin. 1978. 333 pp. £2.25 pb.     

Imaging terror: logos,pathos and ethos

As verb, code and historical method, terrorism has consistently been understood as an act of symbolically intimidating and, if deemed necessary, violently eradicating a personal, political, social, ethnic, religious, ideological or otherwise radically differentiated foe. Yet, as noun, message and catch-all political signifier, the meaning of terrorism has proven more elusive. After the Cold War terror mutated from a logic of deterrence based on a nuclear balance of terror into a new imbalance of terror based on a mimetic fear and an asymmetrical willingness and capacity to destroy the other without the formalities of war. This imbalance is furthered by the multiple media, which transmit powerful images as well as triggering pathological responses to the terrorist event. Thanks to the immediacy of television, the internet and other networked information technology, we see terrorism everywhere in real time, all the time. In turn, terrorism has taken on an iconic, fetishised and, most significantly, highly optical character.     

Labour standards,global markets and non-state initiatives: Colombia's and Ecuador's flower industries in comparative perspective

Political violence in Algeria has often been accounted for only by recourse to caricatures of a society supposedly ‘intensely violent’ by nature, or else rationalised as the product of a peculiar political culture and national historical experience. Departing from both approaches, this article suggests that different occurrences of both state and non-state violence must be understood as particular, distinct moments in both the recomposition and breakdown of inherently conflictual social relations. While Algerian history (including colonial history) provides many examples of the non-violent negotiation of social and political tensions, the social production and experience of violence have been written into dominant historiographies and public culture in complex ways. These complexities of the successive ways in which different moments of violence have been encoded belie both theories of the inescapable reproduction of cyclical violence as a pattern of political behaviour, and less sophisticated, but enduring, clichés of ‘Algerian savagery’.     

The wto in Bali: what mc9 means for the Doha Development Agenda and why it matters

The conclusion of the World Trade Organization’s (wto) ninth ministerial meeting – held in Bali 3–7 December 2013 – is at one and the same time momentous, marginal and business-as-usual. It is momentous because it marks the first multilateral agreement reached in the wto since the organisation began operations on 1 January 1995; it is marginal because the deal reached will have only a limited impact on the global trading system; and it is business as usual because the Bali package will be of disproportionally greater value to the industrial states than to their developing and least developed counterparts. We examine what happened in Bali, covering the principal issues at stake and the content of the outcome, what this means for the wto and for the Doha Development Agenda (dda), and why it all matters. We argue that, while the Bali ministerial is significant and the agreements reached important, the conclusion of the meeting and the package agreed represent only a limited movement forward in addressing the fundamental problems and inequities of the wto system.     

The evolution of the European economy: Implications for Trans‐Atlantic relations

The Russian attitude towards the European Neighbourhood Policy constitutes a serious obstacle to the realisation of the Union's agenda in its neighbourhood. The Russian challenge takes three main forms: 1) with Russia not a part of the EU's overall approach involving the principle of conditionality, the Union's legitimacy and international actorness in general is in danger of being undermined; 2) Russia is increasingly starting to put forward its own model of operation, thus hampering the realisation of the Union's goals in the neighbourhood; 3) Russia is engaging in business activities that are in effect undoing the ENP's energy component. There are no easy fixes to these problems. What the Union must do is believe in its own values and visions: it is only by example that it can promote its ideals outside its institutional boundaries.     

Excerpts from research study ‘weapons of mass destruction and terrorism: Proliferation by non‐state actors’

In the wake of the Cold War, a new world disorder seems to be emerging wherein the legitimacy of many states is being challenged from within by increasing non‐state calls for self‐determination from the likes of religious cults, hate groups, isolationist movements, ethnic groups and revivalist movements. These movements often prey on the insecurities of the population, offering to fill psychological, sociological, political or religious security needs of those who would join them. Religious oriented groups appear to share a common ideological thread that rejects existing social, economic and political structure demanding a structural revision of the world, a world where they become the authoritarian, dominant influence. Emanating from these movements will be the ‘Post Modern Terrorists’ who possess a ‘ripeness’ to threaten use of weapons of mass destruction.

This article concerns asymmetric warfare: terrorism, specifically Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) terrorism. It argues that the terrorist WMD threat will emanate from non‐state groups operating under a veneer of religion and ethnic‐racist hate. These groups, plus the occasional cult, are the most likely candidates to threaten use of weapons of mass destruction in a mass casualty causing ‘super‐terrorist act’.     

Al-Qaeda and Anarchism: A Historian's Reply to Terrorology: Response to Commentaries

The Lehi, a fringe Jewish paramilitary group created in 1940, conducted a concerted terrorist campaign against the British authorities in Palestine during and after World War II, proclaiming that its activities were undertaken in the name of national liberation. Lehi was founded and led by Avraham Stern, also known as “Yair.” Scholar, intellectual, and poet, Stern developed a fundamental ideology of national and messianic Jewish terrorism, which became the ideological basis not only for the work of the Lehi, but also for later Jewish terrorist activism. The present article examines the intellectual foundations of Lehi terrorism and how its intellectual and ideological principles influenced Lehi's most controversial activities—internal terrorism and the execution of its own members. In conclusion, the author traces the impact of Stern's intellectual legacy on later generations of Jewish terrorists.     

Steadfast Yet Reluctant Allies: Japan and the United Kingdom in the Vietnam War

During the Vietnam War there were high expectations from the Johnson and Nixon Administrations for Japan and Britain to provide practical and political support for American military and strategic objectives in Indochina. The leader of Japan's conservative Liberal Democratic Party, Sato Eisaku, and the British Labour Party's Harold Wilson, balanced political support for the United States with significant public pressure at home to eschew any entanglement in the highly unpopular conflict. As junior allies of the United States both Sato and Wilson did not want to see the United States fail in Vietnam or the communist sphere expand in Southeast Asia. Both leaders accrued significant foreign policy advantages as a result of politically and publicly supporting American actions in Vietnam. But to placate domestic electorates that clearly felt uncomfortable over their governments providing explicit, albeit non-military, support to the United States in Vietnam, Sato and Wilson expended substantial prime ministerial diplomacy in attempting to play a mediatory role in the conflict. Each was highly successful in balancing domestic and American demands, whilst maintaining their security partnerships with the United States.