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To date, only four paying space tourists have flown, and the prospect for broad, sustainable space tourism remains a dream. This article notes that there are two types of tourists conflated by the advocates of space tourism. The first are a tiny group of adventurers with significant wealth and other resources who seek thrills and bragging rights. They have enjoyed success in using government-owned resources for their extreme tourism experience by flying on Soyuz capsules operated by Russia, and the International Space Station owned and operated by a consortium of nations as a major research station. The second group seeks more modest excursions with a minimum of risk and a smaller price tag. Only the first group has much prospect for tourism in space in the foreseeable future, but the second group is the more important, and expanding its space tourism opportunities represents the primary means of achieving the goal of opening space to the public. This article also differentiates between private sector suborbital space tourism, which may achieve reality within the next five to seven years, and the prospects for orbital space tourism, which are at least an order of magnitude more difficult and will probably require at least another generation of technological work to achieve.  相似文献   
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What if we viewed the history of human spaceflight somewhat less through the lens of Cold War politics, which admittedly was central to the race to the Moon, but more as an expression of what might be called a religion of spaceflight? There seems to be a deeply religious quality to advocacy for the investment in and support for human space exploration, lending to the endeavor of a “higher purpose” that helps to explain both the generous nature of the actual investment and the ultimate unwillingness of Americans to eviscerate space budgets despite less than full support for space exploration. This article examines religious conceptions as a means of analyzing what might be termed a “space gospel.” I lay out here the proposition that human spaceflight may be viewed as a religion with similar attributes to those present in mainstream religious denominations. This approach to exploring the history of human spaceflight offers a different and useful frame of understanding that broadens basic conceptions about this aspect of the human past.  相似文献   
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This introductory article reviews our current state of knowledge about the European Parliament (EP). First, we review the major accomplishments of previous studies of the EP, highlighting four principal areas of work: general studies of the chamber, work on EP elections, studies of the internal politics of the Parliament, and research on the EP's institutional relations with the Council and Commission. Second, we consider what has yet to be learnt: what are the major unanswered questions about the EP, and how do the articles in this special issue respond to this agenda?  相似文献   
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The status of delegation as a strictly institutionalized source of law is controversial. In this article, we examine some instances of delegation, in order to explore their claim to be independent and strictly institutionalized sources of law. We consider primarily the instances of labour arbitration and of mediation. Our conclusion is that there is no straightforward answer in either instance to the question whether they constitute sources of law, although the claim of arbitration is strong and that of mediation is weak. We argue that the controversial character of delegation as a source of law is therefore to be expected, given its ambivalent character, and that in exploring the reasons for this ambivalence much can be learnt about the concept of a strictly institutionalized source of law.  相似文献   
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Within Europe, the Danish electorate is the one that has most often expressed its opinion about the European Union in elections and in national referendums. Votes and attitudes are analysed for the five elections to the European Parliament between 1979 and 1999 and in the six referendums – from the first on membership of the EC in 1972 to the September 2000 referendum on acceptance of the euro, the European single currency. The article gives an overview of the development of Danish public opinion in relation to the European Union from 1960 to 2000, the turnouts at referendums, and the elections and results for the European Parliament. It is shown that since Denmark joined the EU, public opinion has fluctuated greatly, although the balance among Danish European Parliament members has remained stable. The reasons for the frequent use of referendums in Denmark and a thematic outline of the six referendums are put forward. The article concludes with a comprehensive analysis of public attitudes towards the referendum on the euro in 2000. It is shown that regional electoral patterns have vanished, but underlying attitudes are manifested in the public.  相似文献   
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There has been a growing recognition over recent years within European Union (EU) legislation (e.g. the regulations governing the Structural Funds of 1988 and 1993, and the new Financial Regulation of 1990), and by managers in the Union institutions that ‘value-for-money’ considerations, and review and evaluation, should form part of the financial management and policy-making process. There is considerable debate, however, about the extent to which these techniques are used by the Commission, the European Court of Auditors (ECA), or within the implementing agencies of the Member States. It is the objective of this article to assess the changes, if any, in deployment and usage of these techniques over the past 15 years or so, and to identify the characteristics of the current arrangements by reference to specific policy areas. In order to define the scope of the study, we discuss the meaning of value-for-money (VFM) audit in the EU context, and move on to the framework of these activities within the implementation process. A review of the VFM work of the Commission, Court of Auditors and Member State agencies follows. The study concludes with an analysis of current and future prospects.  相似文献   
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During the New Deal and succeeding administrations national power and authority became increasingly more centralized in the White House and Executive Office of the President. As this institutionalized presidency emerged, increasing numbers of political functions were centralized in the expanding office of the president. This paper examines the changing structural relationship between the White House and the national party with particular emphasis on the distribution of patronage appointments and staffing the executive branch. The period of analysis begins with the Eisenhower administration and concludes with the Nixon presidency. The authors note that although subsequent administrations may demonstrate the unintended effects of this concentration of authority, it is unlikely that it will be willfully reversed.  相似文献   
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Are your athletics department staff members getting the results you really need, or are they getting stuck? Does the group as a whole seem less than the sum of its parts? Does it have difficulty making and following through on decisions?  相似文献   
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