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111.
Reflecting contemporary interest in developing new adult literacy learning programmes based on ‘literacy for livelihoods’, this article examines some case studies from New Zealand, Bangladesh, and Egypt, illustrating literacy being used in livelihoods, and relates these to the kind of literacy being taught in many adult literacy programmes today. It argues that people often change their livelihoods, and that each livelihood has literacy practices embedded within it. The authors suggest that the use of these literacy practices embedded within the livelihood activities might be a better starting point for adult literacy learning than a school-based textbook. 相似文献
112.
The patent application concerned a method for designing an opticalsystem that satisfied a predetermined condition set out in amathematical equation. Did such a method fall into one of theexclusions from patentability listed in Art 52(2) EPC and didthe claims have a technical character? 相似文献
113.
Fan-shaped stippled burns were produced on the skin when a revolver whose barrel had been modified by the Mag-Na-Port process was fired twice with the side of the muzzle in contact. A grazing wound was produced by one bullet, and an oblique entry was produced by the other. The characteristics of Mag-Na-Port wounds and test shots are described, and these are compared with test shots from two other higher power revolvers. 相似文献
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Eric McGhee Seth Masket Boris Shor Steven Rogers Nolan McCarty 《American journal of political science》2014,58(2):337-351
Many theoretical and empirical accounts of representation argue that primary elections are a polarizing influence. Likewise, many reformers advocate opening party nominations to nonmembers as a way of increasing the number of moderate elected officials. Data and measurement constraints, however, have limited the range of empirical tests of this argument. We marry a unique new data set of state legislator ideal points to a detailed accounting of primary systems in the United States to gauge the effect of primary systems on polarization. We find that the openness of a primary election has little, if any, effect on the extremism of the politicians it produces. 相似文献
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Colin Rogers 《International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice》2013,41(2):132-143
Public policing in England and Wales is currently undergoing and will undergo substantial changes to the way it delivers its services in the future. Consideration of the different proposals for change when viewed in isolation appears to produce uncertainty in terms of organisational structure. However, when considered as interdependent they provide a more clear and problematic issue that could undermine the current democratic model of policing utilised in this country. This article considers the ideas of the function of the public police within a democratic policing model and how changes such as the introduction of Police and Crime Commissioners, an apparent lack of engagement by the public with the democratic process, as well as the possibility of privatisation and outsourcing currently in vogue, may have a detrimental effect upon the policing philosophy that has underpinned policing in England and Wales for nearly 200 years. 相似文献
119.
William H. Rogers 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(4):687-706
According to previous studies, residential foreclosures reduce the value of neighboring residential units and the initial negative effects decay over time and space. This study attempts to investigate the temporal path of the initial effects by following cohorts of single-family housing distressed sales (foreclosures and real estate owned sales) over time. A hedonic model estimation of single-family housing sales in Saint Louis County, Missouri, produced larger marginal impacts for new distressed sales in the year 2000 compared with the marginal impact of new distressed sales in 2007, that is, the marginal impact of new distressed sales is declining in at least one housing market. This result holds true for the distressed sale neighborhood impact, the effect of distress on the same unit's future sales price, and the discount on a distressed unit's current “liquidation sale” price. 相似文献
120.
Translated by Lawrence Rogers 《亚洲研究》2013,45(1):143-156
Migrant domestic workers rarely take part in — let alone organize — public protests in the countries where they work. Public protests are virtually unheard of among migrant domestic workers in Singapore, Taiwan, and Malaysia, and especially in the Middle East and the Gulf States. Over the past decade and a half, however, migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong — mostly Filipinas and Indonesian women — have become highly active, organizing and participating in political protests. Hong Kong's migrant domestic workers protest in a place where they are guest workers and temporary migrants, denied the opportunity of becoming legal citizens or permanent residents. Increasingly, these workers, their grassroots activist organizations, and the nongovernmental organizations with which they are affiliated frame their concerns in terms of global, transnational, and human rights, not merely local migrant worker rights. This article takes the “Consulate Hopping Protest and Hall of Shame Awards” event — part of the anti-World Trade Organization protests in Hong Kong in 2005 — as an ethnographic example of domestic worker protest and as an entrée through which to ask what it is about Hong Kong and about the position of women migrant workers — whose mobility and voice is both a product and a symptom of globalization — that literally permits public protests and shapes their form and content. The article illustrates how migrant workers’ protests and activism have been shaped by domestic worker subjectivities, by the dynamics of inter-ethnic worker affiliations, and by the sociohistorical context of Hong Kong as a post-colonial “global city” and a “neoliberal space of exception.” 相似文献