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61.
Ron J. Nieberding Marita Frackowiak Robert H. Bodholdt John G. Rubel 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2000,15(2):11-20
Nearly 2 million people are incarcerated in federal, state and local correctional facilities in this country. Individuals
with serious mental disorders increasingly fill these ranks. The roles psychologists and other mental health professionals
adopt while working with this population can become an issue of silent consternation. As a point of departure, some (e.g.,
Levinson, 1985) have suggested that psychologists rightly function as institutional mediators of conflict, a virtual Marcus
Welby of the collective correctional “psyche”. In practice, it is not uncommon for some clinicians to retreat from this approach
and do little, or conversely, march in one hundred directions at once. The authors suggest that as psychology service delivery
has matured in the past few decades this latter, well-intentioned but unrealistic position should be reconsidered. We suggest
that greater depth and definition in the area of forensic psychology, coupled with recently developed ethical and professional
standards of care, may serve to guide the clinician when providing services “behind bars”.
Authors' Note: The views expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and may not reflect the opinions of the United States
Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Prisons, Texas Department of Criminal Justice, other state or local criminal justice
agencies, or the University of Texas at Austin. 相似文献
62.
Most studies of the impact of local campaign expenditure on British election results have found that expenditure by incumbents has less of an effect on the outcome than does that by challengers. Some argue that this, in part, reflects an underestimate of how much is spent by incumbents because it excludes their expenditure under various parliamentary allowances which facilitates contacts between MPs and their constituents. Data on spending under those allowances are now available and are used here to evaluate its impact at the 2005 general election in England. The analyses show that only expenditure by Conservative MPs had any impact on their re-election chances. 相似文献
63.
Parental Smoking-specific Communication,Adolescents’ Smoking Behavior and Friendship Selection 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Rebecca N. H. de Leeuw Ron H. J. Scholte Zeena Harakeh Jan F. J. van Leeuwe Rutger C. M. E. Engels 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2008,37(10):1229-1241
In this study, we investigated whether parental smoking-specific communication is related to adolescents’ friendship-selection
processes. Furthermore, we investigated whether adolescents and their best friends influence each other over time, and what
role parents play in this process. In the present study we used data from the Family and Health project in which at baseline
428 full families participated. In this 2-year, three-wave longitudinal study data were available from fathers, mothers, early
adolescents (aged M = 13.4 years, SD = .50), and middle adolescents (aged M = 15.2 years, SD = .60). The majority of the participating adolescents were of Dutch origin (>95%). There was an almost equal distribution
of boys and girls, and adolescents with lower, middle, and higher educational levels were equally represented. Analyses were
conducted by means of Structural Equation Modeling. Results demonstrate that a high quality of the smoking-specific communication
is related to a lower likelihood of adolescent smoking, whereas the frequency is positively associated with adolescent smoking.
Both the quality and frequency of parental smoking-specific communication were related to adolescents’ selective affiliation
with (non-)smoking friends. The findings suggest that parental smoking-specific communication is associated with adolescent
smoking directly but also indirectly by influencing the friends the adolescents will associate with.
Rebecca N. H. de Leeuw is a Ph.D. student at the Behavioural Science Institute. Her research interests include familial influences on adolescent smoking behavior. Ron H. J. Scholte, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor at the Behavioural Science Institute. His research interests include peer influences on adolescent behavior, specifically on bullying and substance use. Zeena Harakeh, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor at the University of Utrecht. Her research interests include social influences on smoking behavior among adolescents and young adults. Jan F. J. van Leeuwe, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor at the Behavioural Science Institute. He is an expert on complex multivariate analyses. Rutger C. M. E. Engels, Ph.D., is full professor at the Behavioural Science Institute. His research interests include social influences and the development of problem behavior among adolescents and young adults. 相似文献
Rebecca N. H. de LeeuwEmail: |
Rebecca N. H. de Leeuw is a Ph.D. student at the Behavioural Science Institute. Her research interests include familial influences on adolescent smoking behavior. Ron H. J. Scholte, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor at the Behavioural Science Institute. His research interests include peer influences on adolescent behavior, specifically on bullying and substance use. Zeena Harakeh, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor at the University of Utrecht. Her research interests include social influences on smoking behavior among adolescents and young adults. Jan F. J. van Leeuwe, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor at the Behavioural Science Institute. He is an expert on complex multivariate analyses. Rutger C. M. E. Engels, Ph.D., is full professor at the Behavioural Science Institute. His research interests include social influences and the development of problem behavior among adolescents and young adults. 相似文献
64.
Participatory Budgeting (PB) is a welcome experiment in participatory democracy in New York City (NYC), one that could produce greater civic engagement of traditionally marginalized groups and more equitable resource distribution. By engaging immigrants, PB aims to affirm and elevate their voices, help develop their civic capacities, and promote their political participation and community empowerment. During the past four years, participation by immigrants (foreign-born residents) in New York City’s PB process (PBNYC) has steadily increased, growing from nineteen to twenty-eight percent of all PB voters. Yet, immigrant participation lags compared to their numbers, with great variation among PB districts. Using a mixed methods approach that incorporates surveys of and interviews with immigrant community members, staff at immigrant serving community-based organizations, and City Council staff, this article aims to parse out the logistical and affective barriers to participation immigrants face in PB districts and how PBNYC’s design attempts to circumvent said barriers and facilitate participation. Ultimately, our study reveals a complex mix of promising practices and structural constraints involved in working toward PB’s “inclusive” and “equitable” aims. 相似文献
65.
When Is a Gerrymander Not a Gerrymander: Who Benefits and Who Loses from the Changed Rules for Defining Parliamentary Constituencies? 下载免费PDF全文
Members of the British Labour party have, not for the first time, criticised the Boundary Commissions’ proposals for new constituency boundaries as gerrymandering. This represents a misuse of the term: the Commissions have produced recommended constituencies in the context of new rules for such redistributions that give precedence to equality of electorates across all seats and the boundaries of those constituencies have been defined without any reference to the likely electoral consequences. The Conservatives, who were responsible for the change in the rules to emphasise electoral equality, wanted to remove a decades‐long Labour advantage in the translation of votes into seats because of variations in constituency size, and the Commissions’ implementation of those rules has achieved that. A Labour advantage has been removed but not replaced by a Conservative advantage: in terms of electoral equality between the two, the playing field has been levelled. Labour's claim to have been disadvantaged by decisions on the electoral register is also examined; the disadvantage is probably only small. 相似文献
66.
The way in which central government services are delivered in both Britain and Northern Ireland has changed significantly since 1988. Executive Agencies have been created with the aim of improving the efficiency and effectiveness of service delivery, with changes being supported by an increasing focus on the rational management model as a basis for improving management in the public sector. This paper is a case study of nine agencies within the Northern Ireland 'family of agencies' and is the first study of its type in the UK. It presents the results of a series of interviews with agency Chief Executives that attempted to identify perceptions with respect to the development, use and impact of mission statements, objectives, targets and performance measures (components of a rational management approach). The main findings of the research include: Northern Ireland Chief Executives perceive an increased focus on quantification since agencification; this focus is viewed as helpful in providing a basis for improving management; systems in practice are considered to be much more flexible than a rigid management model would normally suggest; and, it is thought that the potential adverse consequences of such an approach can be managed. 相似文献
67.
In the absence of the right to sue for medical negligence, the New Zealand Health and Disability Commissioner (HDC) and the Health Practitioners Disciplinary Tribunal (HPDT) have become the centrepieces of New Zealand's medico-legal system. This article examines the claim that for both bodies secrecy, by name suppression, is the default position and that the private interests of doctors are elevated above the legitimate public interest in the performance of medical professionals. In particular, it examines HDC's blanket policy of suppressing the names of complainants, practitioners, hospitals, District Health Boards and geographical locations, and HPDT's stated but wavering commitment to openness. The authors conclude that both bodies may have failed, albeit in different ways, to recognise the legitimate and significant public interest in the names of those few practitioners found in breach of professional standards. 相似文献
68.
69.
What shapes the transnational activist agenda? Do non-governmental organizations with a global mandate focus on the world's most pressing problems, or is their reporting also affected by additional considerations? To address these questions, we study the determinants of country reporting by an exemplary transnational actor, Amnesty International, during 1986–2000. We find that while human rights conditions are associated with the volume of their country reporting, other factors also matter, including previous reporting efforts, state power, U.S. military assistance, and a country's media profile. Drawing on interviews with Amnesty and Human Rights Watch staff, we interpret our findings as evidence of Amnesty International's social movement-style "information politics." The group produces more written work on some countries than others to maximize advocacy opportunities, shape international standards, promote greater awareness, and raise its profile. This approach has both strengths and weaknesses, which we consider after extending our analysis to other transnational sectors. 相似文献
70.