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121.
Ronald L. Simons Les B. Whitbeck Rand D. Conger Katherine J. Conger 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1991,20(6):645-664
Elements of social control theory were combined with social learning theory to construct a model of delinquency which specifies the manner in which parenting factors, social skills, value commitments, and problems in school contribute to association with deviant peers and involvement in delinquent behavior. The model was tested using a sample of 61 families, each of which included a seventh grader. Questionnaire responses and coded videotaped family interaction were employed as measures of study constructs. The results largely supported the proposed model.This work was supported by Research Grants DA 05347 from the National Institute on Drug Abuse, MH 43270 from the National Institute of Mental Health, and MCJ 190572 from the Bureau of Maternal and Child Health, Department of Health and Human Services.Received Ph.D. in sociology from Florida State University. Research interests: etiology of adolescent depression, substance abuse, and delinquency; identification of factors that influence parenting practices; causes and consequences of adolescent and adult homelessness.Received Ph.D. in sociology from Washington State University. Research interests: impact of family and peers upon adolescent value socialization, self-esteem, and perceptions of self-efficacy; street culture among adolescent runaways and adult homeless.Received Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Washington. Research interests: impacft of economic stress upon family dynamics, and relationship between parenting practices and adolescent developmental outcomes.Doctoral candidate in sociology at Iowa State University. Research interests: economic hardship and marital interaction, and determinants and consequences of variation in sibling interaction. 相似文献
122.
Salwa Ammar William Duncombe Yilin Hou Bernard Jump & Ronald Wright 《Public Budgeting & Finance》2001,21(4):91-110
Credit ratings remain a key feature of municipal debt management. The primary objective of this article is to develop a new methodology for evaluating the financial performance and creditworthiness of governments and to illustrate this approach for a sample of large American cities. Specifically, we develop a fuzzy rule–based system (FRBS) that uses economic, debt, and other financial information as well as a measure of financial management to produce rankings of city financial performance. The FRBS credit ratings are highly correlated with actual Moody's ratings for these cities. FRBS have the potential of enhancing the rating process by standardizing the information used and encouraging consistent rules about what combinations of inputs result in good, fair, or poor performance. 相似文献
123.
Ronald D. Brunner 《Policy Sciences》2010,43(4):301-341
This article expands research on adaptive governance in natural resource and climate change policy into other policy areas
and the larger context of reform. The purpose is to clarify adaptive governance as a reform strategy, one that builds on experience
in a variety of emergent responses to the growing failures of scientific management, the established pattern of governance.
Emergent responses in information technology, national security, development aid, and health care policy are reviewed here.
In these cases, factoring a large national or international problem into many smaller problems, each more tractable scientifically
and politically, opened additional opportunities for advancing common interests on the ground. The opportunities include simplification
of research through intensive inquiry, participation in policy decisions by otherwise neglected groups, and selecting what
works on the basis of practical experience rather than theory. What works can be improved incrementally in the context at
hand, diffused through networks for voluntary adaptation elsewhere, and used to inform higher-level decisions from the bottom
up. Adaptive governance is a promising strategy of reform. The open question is whether it will be used well enough to sustain
a once-progressive evolution toward fuller realization of human dignity for all. 相似文献
124.
125.
Child support reforms have focused almost exclusively on punitive measures, driven by the stereotypical image of a “deadbeat dad” who can afford to pay child support but refuses to do so. This image fits some noncustodial fathers, but ignores the diverse nature of this population. We show that lack of income is a significant barrier to child support payments for 16 to 33 percent of young noncustodial fathers, whom we call “turnips” after the common saying that “You can't get blood from a turnip.” Furthermore, the characteristics of turnips are similar to those of custodial mothers who are long-term welfare recipients—both are disproportionately composed of young, poorly educated, never-married minorities with little work experience. These findings suggest that a new approach to child support enforcement is needed, one that offers these fathers flexible child support orders that both reflect their current economic circumstances and provide employment and training assistance to enable them to meet their child support obligations in the future. 相似文献
126.
Ronald S. Jarmin 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1999,18(1):99-119
This article combines the richest data set and most rigorous econometric methodology used, to date, to evaluate the impact of manufacturing extension services on client productivity growth. Client plants are identified in the Longitudinal Research Database (LRD) and their labor productivity growth between 1987 and 1992 is compared to nonclients. Both simple OLS and two‐stage models are used to estimate the effect of manufacturing extension on productivity growth. The first‐stage probit model is informative about the client selection process. Results suggest that participation in manufacturing extension is associated with between 3.4 and 16 percent higher labor productivity growth between 1987 and 1992. The article demonstrates the usefulness of longitudinal microdata sets, such as the LRD, for program evaluation. © 1998 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management 相似文献
127.
All the President's Senators: Presidential Copartisans and the Allocation of Federal Grants 下载免费PDF全文
Dino P. Christenson Douglas L. Kriner Andrew Reeves 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2017,42(2):269-294
Previous scholarship argues that House members' partisan relationship to the president is among the most important determinants of the share of federal dollars they bring home to their constituents. Do presidential politics also shape distributive outcomes in the Senate? Analyzing the allocation of more than $8.5 trillion of federal grants across the states from 1984 to 2008, we show that presidential copartisan senators are more successful than opposition party members in securing federal dollars for their home states. Moreover, presidents appear to target grants ex post to states that gain presidential copartisans in recent elections. 相似文献
128.
Lopez V Kopak A Robillard A Gillmore MR Holliday RC Braithwaite RL 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2011,40(8):945-957
Sexual risk taking among female delinquents represents a significant public health problem. Research is needed to understand
the pathways leading to sexual risk taking among this population. This study sought to address this issue by identifying and
testing two pathways from child maltreatment to non-condom use among 329 White and 484 African American female adolescent
detainees: a relational pathway and a substance use coping pathway. The relational pathway indicated that child maltreatment
would be related to non-condom use via depressive self-concept and condom use self-efficacy. The substance use coping pathway
suggested that depressive self-concept and alcohol-based expectancies for sexual enhancement would mediate the relationship
between child maltreatment and non-condom use. As hypothesized, the relational pathway variables were associated with one
another in the expected directions; however, evidence of mediation was not found. Support for mediation was found for the
substance use coping pathway. Exploratory across group comparison analysis indicated that the relational pathway was significant
for White girls whereas the substance use coping pathway was significant for African American girls. Limitations and implications
for future research are discussed. 相似文献
129.
Landor A Simons LG Simons RL Brody GH Gibbons FX 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2011,40(3):296-309
Research has documented a negative relationship between religion and risky sexual behavior. Few studies, however, have examined
the processes whereby religion exerts this effect. The present study develops and tests a model of various mechanisms whereby
parental religiosity reduces the likelihood of adolescents’ participation in risky sexual behavior (early sexual debut, multiple
sexual partners, and inconsistent condom use). Structural equation modeling, using longitudinal data from a sample of 612
African American adolescents (55% female), provided support for the model. The results indicated that parental religiosity
influenced adolescent risky sexual behavior through its impact on authoritative parenting, adolescent religiosity, and adolescent
affiliation with less sexually permissive peers. Some mediating mechanisms differed by the gender of the respondent, suggesting
a “double-standard” for daughters but not for sons. Findings also indicated the importance of messages about sexual behavior
that are transmitted to adolescents by their peers. Theoretical and policy implications of the findings are discussed. 相似文献
130.
The evolution of the political criteria for accession to the European Community, 1957–1973 下载免费PDF全文
Ronald Janse 《European Law Journal》2018,24(1):57-76
This article describes the evolution of political conditions for accession to the European Community from 1957 to 1973 on the basis of the responses of the Community and national parliaments to applications for association (Article 238 EC Treaty) and membership (Article 237 EC Treaty) and to a US foreign policy initiative. It challenges the thesis that the European Community was originally uninterested in the political nature of its members as long as they were non‐communist and that the Community made a volte face in 1962 in reaction to a request for an association agreement by Franco's Spain. It argues that the Copenhagen political criteria, except minority protection, were firmly established by 1973 after a series of pronouncements and decisions by the European Parliament, national parliaments (both 1962), the Commission (1967) and the Council (1973). The article aims to contribute to the early history of the constitutionalization of the Union and discusses how demands from outsiders prompted the Six to define the constitutional requirements for (candidate) members. It is partly based on new archival research. 相似文献