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21.
Project SafeCare was a 4-year, in-home, research and intervention program that provided parent training to families of children at-risk for maltreatment, and families of children who were victims of maltreatment. Parents were trained in treating children's illnesses and maximizing their own health-care skills (Health), positive and effective parent–child interaction skills (Parenting), and maintaining low hazard homes (Safety). The effectiveness of these training components was evaluated as the change in the parents' scores on roleplay situations for child health problems, hazards present in the home, and the frequency and quality of parent–child interactions during activities of daily living. Statistically significant improvements were seen in child health care, home safety, and parent–child interactions. 相似文献
22.
Ronit Dinovitzer 《Law & social inquiry》2011,36(4):971-998
This article focuses on the role of intergenerational status attainment for legal careers. By decomposing the earnings gap between elite and nonelite lawyers at two points in their careers, we find that inherited cultural capital produces an earnings advantage as soon as lawyers begin their careers and that this gap persists over time. We further find that the processes underlying this gap change as lawyers make their way through the profession. While in early careers, the elite advantage is due to stronger starting endowments, the advantage for junior lawyers results from a more complex process, which combines starting endowments, professional capital gained during the first years of practice, and the rate at which endowments are differentially rewarded in the profession. Elaborating on work that identifies the importance of maintaining and concentrating diverse forms of capital in the legal profession, we explain the process through which elite lawyers gain and retain their advantage over time. 相似文献
23.
Ronit Lentin 《Women's studies international forum》2011,34(3):165
Jawaher Abu-Rahmah, who was killed by tear gas on New Year Day 2001, was among many Palestinian women, in the state of Israel and the occupied territory, who, despite being victims of what I theorise as the Israeli 'racial state', are also active agents of resistance. Nahla Abdo (1994, 2008) historicises Palestinian women's participation in the national struggle from the 1920s to the present, suggesting that their participation, in the first and second Intifadas for example, was not only a vital part of the resistance movement, but also had profound effect on gender relations within Palestinian society. This paper, while theorising the Palestinian woman - citizen of Israel, or occupied subject in the Palestinian territory - as femina sacra, the female version of Agamben's homo sacer, or 'bare life' (1995), and at the same time as an agent of resistance, attempts not to remain within the theoretical, combining theories with examples from the lived experiences of Palestinian women, believing, after Frantz Fanon in antiracism and anticolonialism as firmly rooted in the lived experience of the racialised. 相似文献
24.
A common assumption is that gender can be studied through the differences between men and women living in intimate partner violent (IPV) relationships. Mainly, that general gender behavior can be studied through IPV. This approach is examined and an alternative possibility for a broad agreement is suggested. Accordingly, gender motives reflecting status enhancement for men and risk reduction for women can be dominant in daily conduct and implemented in intimate relationships. The suggestions made in this article can be seen as an alternative agreed starting point for the study of IPV free of a priori premises and conventions. Theoretical and practical implications are suggested which can mediate between the approaches regarding gender and IPV and perhaps clarify the controversy so that different psychological interventions may be applied. 相似文献
25.
Ronit Levine-Schnur 《Regulation & Governance》2023,17(2):449-468
A controversial U.S. Supreme Court decision in Kelo v. City of New London (2005) which did not limit the use of state's eminent domain powers, led to an unprecedented legislative reaction by almost all 50 states. Of all, New York State stands out as one of the single states not to respond with a legislative amendment. In this study, I ask whether the state's predation was greater in the years following these legal and political developments, in light of the freedom which was granted to local politicians by both the Supreme Court and the state's legislators. The article hypothesizes that contrary to common perceptions, judicial decisions impact local government actions even when no limits on the use of powers are being posed. I use rigorous statistics and scrupulously defined data to expand scholarly understanding of the aftermath of the judicial decision in Kelo. The main finding is that the decision has in fact affected political behavior, but in the opposite direction than commonly expected: politicians in New York City acted consistently with public opinion, which was hostile too Kelo, not by changing the law, but by changing their practice. Studying all known taking exercises in New York City between 1991 and 2019, the paper finds no increase in the number of development projects involving condemnations after 2005. In fact, the probability of a taking for economic development or urban renewal dropped by 90%. The use of eminent domain for such projects declined even when both state and federal courts refrain from interposing any actual limit on its use. The paper lends qualified support to an alternative assertion that takings decisions by government officials are largely shaped by planning and political needs and that officials are sensitive to revealed public preferences even when there is no constitutional or legal impediment on their exercise of power. 相似文献