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61.
The discipline of International Relations (IR) in Australia, as elsewhere, is steeped in historical and ongoing violence, including violences of colonisation. The way that IR is taught and practised in Australia reproduces the discipline's erasures and ignorance of the effects of colonisation and ongoing forms of marginalisation, knowledge extraction, and harm that normalise existing structures of power. In this article, we ask how mainstream theories, pedagogies, and practices of IR scholarship in Australia contribute to the ongoing coloniality of the discipline and reproduce these geospatial hierarchies and structures of marginalisation and exclusion. We argue that, as teachers, we have to consistently engage in un-doing the violence of disciplinary history. We theorise that this is so because the artefacts we teach are the product of a knowledge life cycle immersed in, and structured by, coloniality and hierarchy. Drawing on a survey of Australian universities' IR curricula and interviews with their instructors, in addition to our own research training and practice as Australian IR academics, we examine how, if, and when it is possible to connect decolonial theory with practice and to thus generate decolonial praxis in the production of IR knowledge.  相似文献   
62.
The authors present a case of a presumably unknown pregnancy, in which the newborn was found dead in the bathroom. The child was considered stillborn and the death due to natural causes. The literature on estimation of the time of fetal death is reviewed. It has been reported that certain placental histological changes are useful in predicting the time of death in stillborn fetuses, but little has been published about their potential role. Furthermore, parameters evaluated by literature in examining the placenta for determining time of fetal demise in cases of stillbirth are not uniform in the few studies that have been published. We emphasize that any attempt to estimate the time of fetal death without an adequate knowledge of placental morphological changes is futile and forensically unjustifiable, and that a comprehensive placental, external, and histological examination of the fetus is still the method of choice to gain a reliable forensic answer.  相似文献   
63.
In recent decades, given new forms of political participation, the involvement of young people in the civic domain begins to be a focus of many studies. The present study examined the role of personality traits and personal values in the prediction of civic engagement (CE) in Italian youth ranging in age from 19 to 29 years old involved in an ongoing longitudinal study. The multidimensionality of a scale tapping CE has been demonstrated with the examination of confirmatory factor analysis. Structural equation modeling corroborated a mediational model in which benevolence fully mediated the relationship of the traits of agreeableness and openness with civic associationism, whereas power fully mediated the relationship of the traits of agreeableness and openness with political associationism. In this mediational model men reported higher levels of power than women, whereas women reported higher levels of agreeableness and openness traits. Since basic personal traits have been identified as the root of any behavioral tendency and values have been recognized as the more flexible and changeable variables, future interventions aimed to foster CE in youth could be designed considering the strength relationship between the examined dimensions in the present study.  相似文献   
64.
Historically humans have used their territorial resources to meet their reproductive needs. In doing so, they have developed informal institutions through their systems of beliefs and values that have determined the sustainability of the resources they use from their environment. In this sense, this article evaluates the artisanship of the Hñähñu indigenous group as a case study that potentially help us to re-conceptualise sustainable development.  相似文献   
65.
66.
This article contributes to the debate on governing the global financial crisis, focusing on the regional governance of emergency social shock absorbers in Italy. The article seeks to make two related contributions. First, it argues that subnational governments have been the main drivers of change in labour market policies. Second, it shows that state–local governance elicited a path-altering system by ‘patching up’ a hybrid administrative structure and by ‘converting’ the traditional goals of social shock absorbers from income maintenance to welfare-to-work. The article provides qualitative evidence on the changing organizational bases of the labour markets of two large Italian regions: Lombardy and Emilia-Romagna. Evidence suggests that administrative innovation and path dependence intertwined in the governance of the global economic crisis in Italy, mitigating the entrenched distortions of labour market policies.  相似文献   
67.
Rosa Mulé 《政治学》1999,19(3):145-151
The efflorescence of work on new institutionalism has encouraged scholars to build bridges between various schools of thought. Such cross-fertilisation enlivens the debate but runs the risk of erecting bridges on shaky foundations. My article seeks to minimise this risk by going back to basics. It narrows the field of inquiry to the economic and the sociological institutionalist tradition represented by Williamson on one side, and the collaborative work of March and Olsen on the other. It explores and assesses their contribution on three interrelated issues fundamental to any analysis of political institutions: the goals attributed to institutions, the theory of action and the commitment to methodological individualism versus methodological holism. I conclude by noting that in the transition from the old to the new institutionalism – as represented in the works of these authors – the role of power conflicts, negotiations and bargaining between individuals seems to have lost its central position.  相似文献   
68.
The claim I want to make in this article is, in short, first, that democratic theory for the most part has seriously neglected the temporal preconditions of liberal democracy and, second, that it therefore fails to adequately grasp some fundamental aspects of the crisis of democratic self-determination in the contemporary global age. In its first part, the article seeks to demonstrate that the history of modernity is an ongoing process of social acceleration and that most of the phenomena we currently grasp under the concept of “globalization” can in fact best be understood as instances or consequences of the latest wave of social acceleration. In the second and main part of this article, the consequences of this acceleratory character of modernity for the plausibility, legitimacy and possibility of political democracy are systematically explored. The main argument is that the speed-up of society at first enabled and supported democratization, but beyond a certain critical threshold, the reverse effect occurs: the speed of social change and the dynamics of socioeconomic development threaten to undermine the proper functioning of democracy. Thus, it is my claim that democracy only works properly within a certain time- or “speed-frame” of social change. From this, I conclude that what is called for in the Age of Globalization is a new critical theory of acceleration, the contours of which I briefly sketch out in the third and last part of this essay.  相似文献   
69.
Abstract:   The open method of coordination (OMC) has introduced a shift with the traditional legal instruments set up by the Treaty. Its introduction was initially supposed to favour more 'flexibility' and 'openness' in the community legal order. After a presentation of the OMC, this article intends to provide an assessment of the OMC's implementation in the ten new Member States. It displays that the OMC is sometimes far from his initial purposes, and in consequence needs to a certain extend, to adapt some of the guidelines and to clarify its legal bases. It concludes with a critical appraisal of the use of the OMC as itself, which should be imbricated in the community.  相似文献   
70.
The study was carried out to investigate external contamination of hair by blood in heroin-related post-mortem cases. Solutions were prepared containing 0.05, 0.1, 0.2, 0.5 and 3.0μg/mL of 6-monoacetylmorphine (6-AM) only or morphine only in human blood. Samples of approximately 3.2g of drug-free hair were contaminated by soaking in the blood solutions for 5min. They were then removed and left at room temperature. Approximately 0.5g of hair was collected from each of the blood soaked hair samples at 6h, 1, 2, 4 and 7 days after contamination. As each hair sample was collected it was shampoo-washed to prevent further drug absorption. Hair samples were analysed in triplicate using a fully validated method described previously. 6-AM broke down to morphine in all samples. In hair contaminated with blood containing 0.05, 0.1 and 0.2μg/mL 6-AM or morphine drug was either not detected or was detected below the limit of quantitation (0.2ng/mg hair) at all contamination times. In hair contaminated with blood spiked with 0.5μg/mL morphine, the concentration in hair ranged from 0.54 to 0.91ng/mg and in hair contaminated with blood spiked with 3.0μg/mL, from 3.25 to 5.77ng/mg. The concentrations of 6-AM ranged from 0.65 to 1.11ng/mg and morphine from 0.34 to 0.80ng/mg in hair contaminated with 0.5μg/mL 6-AM in blood. 6-AM ranged from 2.12 to 3.67ng/mg and morphine from 0.84 to 2.05ng/mg in hair contaminated with 3μg/mL 6-AM in blood. For 6-AM and morphine ANOVA statistical evaluation showed no significant difference among the concentrations over time.  相似文献   
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