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241.
R Stevens 《Journal of health politics, policy and law》1991,16(2):281-305
The federal hospital system for veterans, established in the aftermath of World War I in a context of decentralization, privatization, and rejection of compulsory health insurance, seems an anomaly in health care policy-making. It is actually a good case of how the federal government achieves results in an area fraught with conflict: via normalization of crisis, containment of political decision making, and the association of the program with previously accepted goals (in this instance, workers' compensation). In the veterans' case, political judgments were transformed into scientific and bureaucratic decisions via the pragmatic use of experts. The system worked; the federal government governed. 相似文献
242.
This Australian study explored the links between self-image, family structure (divorced or intact), parent–child relations, and gender at 3 intervals over 10 years during adolescence (mean ages 14.7 at Time 1, 17.9 at Time 2) to early adulthood (mean age 24.9 at Time 3). The sample comprised 37 families at the point of divorce when interviewed in 1981–82, and 41 intact families of similar age, gender, and socioeconomic background. Initial measures of self-image (Offer Self-Image Questionnaire: OSIQ) and parent–child relations (Parent Bonding Inventory: PBI) were repeated in 1985 and 1990–91. ANOVAs showed that divorced fathers were perceived as significantly less caring than those from intact families at each interval. There were no family group differences on the control scale, nor on either scale for mothers. Correlations between PBI scales and OSIQ were significant for the sample as a whole, but were stronger for those from intact than divorced families. ANOVAs showed that when mothers' and fathers' parenting styles were seen as highly caring and also not over controlling (i.e., optimal), adolescent self-image was significantly better, irrespective of gender or family structure. Examination of the joint influence of both parents showed that at Times 1 and 2 adolescent self-image was significantly better when one or both parents, compared with neither, were optimal. At Time 3, this comparison was significant only when both parents were optimal. Self-image was related to whether or not a custodial parent was seen as optimal but not to the gender of the child or custodial parent. 相似文献
243.
Little is known about how jurors arrive at verdicts in cases involving recovered memories of childhood sexual abuse. Study 1 investigated mock jurors' reactions to the recovered-memory testimony of an alleged victim when a therapist intervened with hypnosis, suggestion, or symptom management. When a therapist used hypnosis, jurors viewed the victim's recovered-memory testimony as particularly accurate and credible, and favored the victim in their verdicts. In Study 2, mock jurors were presented with a therapist who was sued for allegedly influencing a client's recall of false memories of abuse. In this case, however, jurors viewed therapists who used hypnosis or suggestion as more likely to have created false memories, more responsible for having caused harm, and less competent, and tended not to favor these therapists in their verdicts. We discuss these seemingly contradictory findings in terms of how culturally formed expectancies about hypnosis produce different causal explanations depending on the focus of a trial. 相似文献
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Stevens J 《Journal of health politics, policy and law》2003,28(6):1033-1087
Conventional wisdom holds that race is socially constructed and not based on genetic differences. Cutting-edge genetic research threatens this view and hence also endangers the pursuit of racial equality and useful public health research. The most recent incarnation of racial genetics is not due to scientific discoveries about population differences per se, but follows from how the United States and other governments have organized racial categories. This article explains tensions in U.S. government guidelines and publications on the study of human genetic diversity, points out the absence of any compelling public health benefits that might justify this research, introduces conceptual tools for addressing the complicated heuristic and policy problems posed by medical population genetics, and offers two policy proposals to remedy the current problems. 相似文献
249.
For better or worse, fiscal decisions made through property tax referenda allow local political markets to work. Demand, supply, and voting process components of such markets are estimated for those Oregon K-12 school districts that held referenda between 1981 and 1986. Various attributes of the median voter were related to school spending, but supply decisions by school boards and administrators were also important. Large districts used state aid to substitute for local property tax revenues on nearly a one-for-one basis, while relying on reversion budgets (inadequate property tax bases and implicit threats of school closures) to extract greater-than-desired spending levels from the median voter. 相似文献
250.
The forced removal of 35 Afghan nationals from the UK in April 2003 calls into question the viability of the government's voluntary repatriation schemes and undermines the voluntary nature of return programmes. This article draws on the results of research conducted in 2002 to explore the views of the Afghan community about return. We evaluate three motivations for promoting return programmes: justice-based arguments, where return is the 'end of the refugee cycle'; human capital explanations, which focus on individual decisions to reverse the effects of brain-drain; and burden-relieving explanations, where return is an alternative to repatriation. Our findings suggest that domestic interest based arguments, rather than those founded on the protection of human rights, are driving the policy-making agenda. Returns are portrayed as a means of relieving the burden on welfare services, and placating an increasingly anti-immigrant public opinion. As well as individuals forcibly removed from Britain, other Afghans are being urged to return by means of financial inducements, and sometimes under the threat of repatriation. In this context, we can discern a new category of 'non-voluntary' returns where individual choice has little real meaning. 相似文献