Can bilateral programmes become learning organisations? Experiences from institutionalising participation in Keiyo Marakwet in Kenya

The concept of learning organisations is gaining prominence in the non-profit sector. Most organisations see the concept as a means of attaining organisational change for greater impact on development. While the principles of organisational learning (i.e. team learning, shared vision, common goal, and strategy) seem to have produced impressive results in the private sector and some non-profit organisations, the question is whether these principles can be adopted with similar results in complex bilateral programmes. This article explores this question in relation to a programme between the Dutch and Kenyan governments in Keiyo Marakwet, Kenya. It analyses the process of institutionalising participation as both a learning and a conflict-generating process. In the highly politicised context of bilateral programmes, learning is not necessarily carried forward from one phase to the next due to rapid changes in actors, national politics, diplomatic considerations, and the international development agenda.     

The problems and pitfalls of quantitative methods in urban analysis

The utilization of quantitative methods in urban analysis is a complicated endeavor faced with many serious problems. The purpose of this paper is to inventory and explain the problems and pitfalls in their utilization. Three types of problems are catalogued: conceptual/technical, administrative and societal. Within the first two categories, the problems are further dimensioned as either analytical or decisional in nature.The place of quantitative methods in urban analysis is discussed first. Problems and pitfalls are then defined, catalogued and ordered sequentially as they confront the urban analyst and policy-maker. An assessment of quantitative methods in urban policy-making is presented and the organizational factors necessary for implementing successful quantitative urban analysis programs indicated.Throughout a general perspective is maintained and specific examples are employed to punctuate general propositions.A modified version of this was presented at the 41st Annual Meeting of The Operation Research Society of America, New Orleans, Louisiana, April 1972.     

Property as a Constitutional Right in the Nineteenth Century: Or What Have We Learned Since Corwin?

The evolution of due process from an innocuous paraphrase ofthe old English concept "the law of the land" into a strongbastion of property rights until its curtailment in constitutionaldecisions in 1937 has been beautifully delineated in the writingsof Edward Corwin. Later writers have concentrated largely onextrapolating that history to cover the metamorphosis of propertiedliberty into personal rights, which has even required a modestrevival of property protection. Still, Corwin has been amendedon several key points. (1) We now understand that the nineteenth-centurybattle over property was not between property and persons, butbetween an older concept of "property as possession" and a dynamiccapitalist view of "property as creation of social value." (2)The transformation of "due process" in popular controversy,which Corwin was acute enough to advance as a factor, seemsto have been the most decisive factor, particularly alteringthe debate on the Fourteenth Amendment. (3) Corwin's searchfor a transforming case representing a decisive conceptual changeseems misplaced The complex economic-regulation due-processcases allowed a move from "procedure to substance" without anyvisible transformation of legal rules.     

Party policy equilibrium for alternative spatial voting models: An application to the Norwegian Storting

Abstract In recent years a lively debate has emerged concerning the empirical status of the traditional proximity spatial model versus a directional model of voter choice. The central reason for this scholarly interest concerns these models' contrasting implications for parties' policy positioning, with the directional model motivating parties to present extreme policies, but the proximity model promoting centrist positions. To this point, however, there exist no studies that compute parties' optimal strategies in historical elections, for these competing models. This article addresses this issue, by examining party policy strategies in a multiparty electorate for three different vote models: (a) the proximity model, (b) a directional model (c) a mixed model which combines proximity and directional components. Each model incorporates past voting history and the random effects of unmeasured variables. Using parameter estimates derived from analyses of survey data from the 1989 Norwegian Election Study we compute — for each of these vote models — the configuration of party policy positions that maximize each party's vote share in relation to those of the other parties. We find that for each model, such a vote–maximizing configuration exists, but — for the proximity model — represents an unrealistic, tightly clustered array. A mixed proximity–directional model, however, provides by far the most convincing account of parties' actual policy strategies with regard to dispersion and vote share.