Norman J. Vig  Dan Durning 《Policy Sciences》1995,28(1):101-108

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DENNIS J. STEVENS 《The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice》1994,33(2):137-155

Abstract: It was hypothesised that prison inmates assimilate into a normative prison culture comprised of violence producing admissions of future crime. Thus, 462 inmates in three dqferent custody level prisons and a control group of 126 university students were surveyed. Results show that non-violent offenders in high custody facilities admit that they might commit violent crime, once released. However, violent offenders in a work release centre claim that violent crime is not an option for them. A conclusion arising from these findings is that organisational membership impacts attitudes; also high custody prisons are sources of violence leading to higher violent crime rates. Further research needs to be done on the relationship between custodial regime and future inmate crime.  相似文献   

    

Alison J. Harcourt 《Journal of common market studies》1998,36(3):369-389

The article addresses the politics of agenda-setting in the European Union (EU) policy process by utilizing the case of media ownership regulation. The author argues that the selection of a ‘frame’ (as defined in Schön and Rein, 1994) for media ownership regulation has been the object of conflict between and within EU institutions, most crucially within the Commission. Conflict, however, has been a resource in the policy process as it has brought in different legitimate interests and perspectives. The article has theoretical implications for the study of agenda-setting, organizational behaviour in the EU, and the analysis of the EU policy process.  相似文献   

    

J D Winchester 《Cornell law review》1997,82(3):644-693

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J Schlumbohm 《The History of the Family》1996,1(1):81-95

\"Current models of the European demo-economic system in pre-industrial times are based on strong assumptions about the predominant patterns of individual life courses. Now recent micro-studies of individual communities make it possible to check whether the actual patterns of life fit these assumptions. The findings for Belm present an amazing blend of confirmations and contradictions. In particular, the connection between marriage and the formation of a new self-supporting household is subject to doubt. Together with the findings of other micro-studies, the evidence for Belm suggests that the assumptions about mechanisms linking marriage to economic resources should be reconsidered, and that there is need for a dialogue between macro-theories and micro-history.\"  相似文献   

    

J. Michael Martinez 《Politics & Policy》1997,25(1):163-180

Official state displays of Confederate symbols, especially in state flags, have been challenged in court in recent years. In challenging such displays, plaintiffs often have relied upon various constitutional and statutory provisions, including, in order of preference, the Fourteenth, Thirteenth, and First Amendments, as well as various civil rights statutes and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. In most instances, however, courts have held that cases involving state displays of Confederate symbols are political questions that should be addressed in a legislative, not judicial, forum. Accordingly, absent the development of a new legal strategy, plaintiffs' time, money and energy probably would be better spent lobbying state legislatures for redress in lieu of continuing to rely upon a judicial forum.  相似文献   

    

Karen J. Maschke  Susan J. Siggelakis 《Politics & Policy》1996,24(1):77-97

This article examines the opening statements made by members of the Senate Judiciary Committee at Supreme Court confirmation hearings. Its aim is to identify the audiences senators target in their opening statements and to examine the messages they send to these audiences. The article shifts the focus away from the outcome of Supreme Court nominations to the “nomination discourse” of confirmation proceedings. Although senators use their opening statements to send a variety of messages to multiple audiences, they tend to emphasize the themes of judicial philosophy, the questioning of nominees, and the Senate's role in the confirmation process.  相似文献   

    

Daniel J. Mahoney  Stephen R. Graubard  Neil Gilbert  Jean M. deSola Pool  Michael Aaron Rockland  Rosmary A. Stevens  Mattei Dogan  Erich Goode  Howard G. Schneiderman  Alfred D. Chandler  Daniel Bell 《Society》1998,35(4):A5-A6

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Albert J. Kliman 《Public Budgeting & Finance》1998,18(3):89-90

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Grant Neeley  Anthony J. Nownes 《Politics & Policy》1998,26(2):279-292

Despite a general consensus that citizen group supporters vary radically in their level of group activity, we know little about what factors “create” an activist. This paper asks: What factors determine which mode a supporter chooses? We seek to answer this question by examining socio-demographic correlates of participation and several “benefits” of participation using individual level survey data. This question informs a more central question: What factors separate the activist from the “regular” supporter? We find that those individuals best able to bear participation costs who also participate out of a sense of duty and who enjoy group participation most, are the most likely to opt for maximum participation. Our data support the conclusion that duty, commitment, and the desire for expressive benefits are capable of overwhelming the “free-rider” impulse. However, activists are not typical, comprising only a fraction of group membership. This means Olson, who would predict that few people would become activists, is right for most people most of the time.  相似文献