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61.
This article describes a nationwide empirical study that will be undertaken during the next three years into the newly emerging phenomenon of genetic discrimination. In particular, the study aims to investigate the nature and extent of genetic discrimination in Australia across three key perspectives: consumers, third parties and the legal system. Further, the study aims to examine the social and legal implications of genetic discrimination, with a view to making recommendations for use in the Australian legal and policy context. It is anticipated that the data produced from this multifaceted investigation will assist in identifying areas where legal or other reforms are required. It will contribute significant baseline data for facilitating ongoing assessment of the nature and extent of the problem, as well as for longitudinal evaluation of the impact and effectiveness of any reforms which may be introduced in the future to address the issue. 相似文献
62.
This article examines the politics of how drug traffickers resolve disputes and maintain order in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro. Much popular discourse and some scholarly studies argue that drug traffickers play a major role in controlling crime and minimizing conflicts there. This article shows that traffickers enforce community norms under a variable political calculus in which well-connected and respected residents are less likely to be punished for rule violations than are individuals who are marginal to the life of the community. This allows many favela residents who conform to local norms to feel a degree of control over their own safety, a "myth of personal security" in otherwise violent neighborhoods. 相似文献
63.
Jeffrey Davis 《Human Rights Review》2006,8(1):53-66
Through the lens of Guatemala’s Jorge Carpio Nicolle case I analyze the mechanisms that preserve impunity in Latin American
nations struggling to emerge from violent conflict and embrace, the rule of law. I reveal how the infective influence of parallel
powers, the ineffectiveness of the judicial process, and obstructive legal doctrine destroy domestic efforts to prosecute
those responsible for human rights violations. The Carpio case exposes the role of international courts in providing justice
when domestic courts fail to do so, and it demonstrates the importance of human rights groups in pursuing this justice.
The author would like to thank Roxanna Altholz, Adriana Beltran, and Soraya Long for their invaluable assitance in conducting
this research. 相似文献
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Cranes are machines used to move heavy objects. Cranes are operated by crane operators, usually working in conjunction with an assistant guiding the movements of the crane from his vantage point outside the crane. Few jurisdictions require that crane operators be either licensed or certified. We conducted a retrospective study of those dying of crane-related injuries in our jurisdiction during the 16 years from 1981 to 1996. All ten decedents were male, and the manner of each death was accidental. Neither ethanol nor drugs of abuse were detected in any case. Eight of the ten decedents died due to blunt force injuries, one due to mechanical asphyxia, and one due to thermal burns. Investigation by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) led to fines ranging from $80 to $2700 in six of the ten cases. Nationwide, electrocution is the most common cause of crane-related death, but no crane-related death in Jefferson County was caused by electrocution in our study. The absence of electrocutions was due to the planned, routine suspension of power to electrical lines in the vicinity of a crane during the crane's operation, a practice saving an estimated seven lives. Nevertheless, human error or lack of planning was still responsible for most of the deaths in our study. In addition to careful planning and adherence to safety standards established by planning, we recommend the mandatory licensure and certification of professional crane operators and the assessment of larger fines by OSHA for safety standard violations. 相似文献
66.
Gruszecki AC Robinson CA Embry JH Davis GG 《The American journal of forensic medicine and pathology》2000,21(2):166-171
Hair samples are useful as a matrix for drug testing because drugs can be detected in hair for longer periods than in blood or urine. The authors report a prospective comparison of the detection of cocaine and cocaethylene in routine postmortem biologic specimens to the detection of cocaine and cocaethylene in hair. The authors collected hair samples from various areas of the head in 53 autopsy cases, prepared them, and analyzed them by gas chromatography/mass spectrometry (GC/MS) for cocaine and cocaethylene. The authors compared the results of hair analysis with the results of toxicologic analysis performed on routine postmortem samples by enzyme multiplied immunoassay technique and GC/MS. Cocaine was found in either biologic fluids or in hair in 16 of 53 samples tested. Nine samples were positive for cocaine in both biologic fluids and hair. Five samples contained cocaine only in biologic fluids, and two contained cocaine only in hair. Cocaethylene was present in two cases. Drug screening of hair provides additional information in some autopsy cases, but the authors have not made hair analysis a routine practice. It may prove useful to save hair samples in all cases for later analysis if warranted by additional history or autopsy findings. 相似文献
67.
Authors Index
Author Index 相似文献68.
Zachary Davis Cuyler 《Labor History》2019,60(1):57-77
ABSTRACTThis article examines anti-sectarianism and the technopolitics of labor mobilization at the facilities of the Trans-Arabian Pipeline (Tapline) company in Lebanon between 1950 and 1964. It argues that although Tapline helped sustain a Lebanese elite strategy of cross-sectarian power-sharing, it also unintentionally fostered specifically anti-sectarian labor mobilization. Pursuing a line of inquiry into the technopolitics of worker mobilization around oil infrastructure opened by Timothy Mitchell’s Carbon Democracy, this article specifically examines how Lebanese Tapline workers construed their actions, and did so in anti-sectarian terms. It also proposes that similar studies of labor and the technopolitics of infrastructure could offer productive avenues for inquiry into the origins of anti-sectarian politics in Lebanon. 相似文献
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