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41.
ABSTRACT

This qualitative study analyzes the activation of accountability mechanisms in public services and the changing dynamics between relevant actors. It remains unclear how accountability relationships emerge, when they are introduced, and under which circumstances administrative values are challenged over the course of administrative reforms. Our analysis of a Brazilian state prison system elucidates some of these elements by investigating a case in which an institutional crisis resulted in administrative reforms and new accountability dynamics. Our findings suggest that initiating accountability reforms before some services reach the level of severe crisis may be particularly difficult. We demonstrate that the development of accountability relationships is largely influenced by prominent actors capable of strategizing their actions in a collaborative fashion with other stakeholders. Additional layers of external regulation are also crucial to reduce the risks of political and regulatory capture, engage previously absent stakeholders, activate accountability mechanisms, and make reforms possible.  相似文献   
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For most of its history, Latin America has lived under authoritarian and elite rule where public decisions were often crafted in the shadows by cabinets and parliaments to the benefit of a small minority. Recently, the development of participatory political systems has brought some transparency to the policy-making process. Such scrutiny reveals evidence of the capture of aspects of policy-making by private interests that use obscure strategies to achieve their political goals. As a consequence, a widespread movement for regulating the role and tactics of interest groups emerged, which is seen as a necessary step to address the root causes of political corruption. This article provides an overview of efforts to regulate lobbying in Latin America. It explains attempts at regulation in four countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Peru), evaluates the level of success of these efforts, and assesses prospects for the future regarding reducing corruption through the instrument of lobby regulations. The authors argue that such regulations alone cannot eliminate political corruption. However, lobby regulations can contribute to increased transparency and aid in developing an anti-corruption culture. It will be shown that lobby laws in Latin America exhibit many of the problems long identified with similar regulations across western democracies. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
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Solid-phase microextraction (SPME) is a relatively new solventless sample preparation technique that allows simultaneous sampling, extraction, pre-concentration, and introduction of analytes from a sample matrix in a single procedure. This methodology has been used for the analysis of several drugs of forensic toxicology interest including volatile compounds. This paper describes a methodology for analysis of ethanol and other volatile compounds using automatic headspace solid-phase microextraction (HS-SPME) and capillary gas chromatography in postmortem specimens. The methodology was initially developed using standard solutions of acetaldehyde, acetone, methanol, and ethanol. Isobutanol was used as internal standard. Postmortem samples of blood, urine, and vitreous humor were obtained during medico-legal autopsies. To date, there are no published paper regarding alcohol analysis in vitreous humor specimens using HS-SPME and limited literature analyzing blood and urine samples. HS-SPME analysis showed that, under optimized conditions, ethanol and isobutanol (internal standard) were well-separated from other volatile compounds such as acetaldehyde, acetone, and methanol considered to be potential interferents in ethanol analysis. The calibration curves for each volatile compound demonstrated good linearity throughout the concentration range from 0.001 to 1.0 g/dl and the detection limit of ethanol in the studied specimens was approximately 0.0001 g/dl.  相似文献   
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Public Choice - In this paper, we show how results in state administered university entrance standardized exams in Portugal are sensitive to the electoral cycle. Using individual data for all...  相似文献   
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Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Growing evidence reveals heterogeneity in antisocial behavior and urges the need to distinguish between aggressive and nonaggressive rule-breaking behaviors. This...  相似文献   
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Latin American evangelicals have become a common presence in legislative politics. Brazil exemplifies the potential clout of evangelical legislators and a troubling tendency toward political corruption. This article explains the quality of evangelical interest representation by focusing on church organization and theology, arguing that evangelicals approach electoral politics via three different modes: rejection; participation as individual, politically engaged believers; and engagement as church corporate project. While individual participation is unrelated to political corruption, the corporate model fosters machine politics, characterized in Brazil by resource‐based politics, narrow voter bases, and frequent party switching. We link these characteristics to evangelical involvement in two corruption scandals that occurred during the administration of President Lula da Silva. The analysis shows the central role of evangelical organization and theology in shaping interest representation and suggests future duplication of the church‐as‐political‐machine model, particularly where the “Prosperity Theology” variant of pentecostalism is strong.  相似文献   
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The divergence of opinion between EU and international lawyers as to the consequences of the Kadi/Al Barakaat judgment is likely to remain for the foreseeable future. While international lawyers focus their analysis on the constitutional role of the UN Charter in international law, EU lawyers seek to assert the autonomy and primacy of the EU treaties. The aim of this article is to analyse where the divergence between the two perspectives can be found. The judgment of the European Court of Justice cannot be interpreted as questioning the authority of the Security Council in discharging its duties for the maintenance of international peace and security. The consequences of the General Court's case‐law as regards the EU autonomous list of terrorists should be borne in mind when faced with the implications of Kadi/Al Barakaat. It is not justified that the level of protection to the individuals or entities affected by targeted sanctions should depend on the legal framework in which the restrictive measures have been adopted (UN or EU), or on the margin of discretion left to the EU Member States by the Security Council.  相似文献   
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