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This paper presents the findings of the first major research study of part-time law students. It argues that many face multiple disadvantages, largely unrecognized by universities, whose emphasis on the formal equivalency of part-time and full-time law degrees ignores the distinctive backgrounds and needs of part-time students. As a result, many are marginalized, impacting on their retention, overall performance, and work prospects. It is also argued that the context within which part-time law students experience legal education contributes to a collective habitus which may structure what is 'thinkable' for their futures. Such concerns are of particular importance given the strong vocational drive amongst part-time law students. An effective response requires action by both universities and the legal profession. Without this, part-time legal education will remain a fundamentally paradoxical experience, offering broader access to legal practice for non-traditional entrants, while continuing to inhibit their chances of success by entrenching their difference in the eyes of the profession. 相似文献
94.
Dental Age Estimation: Pattern Recognition of Root Canal Widths of Mandibular Molars. A Novel Mandibular Maturity Marker at the 18‐Year Threshold
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Graham J. Roberts M.D.S. Victoria S. Lucas Ph.D. Manoharan Andiappan M.Sc. Fraser McDonald Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2017,62(2):351-354
The final stage of third molar development is used to assign a subject to above the 18‐year threshold. Some subjects exhibiting this final stage are less than 18 years. Radiographs from 1000 females and 1000 males age 16.00–25.99 years were examined. Each half‐year age band comprised 50 females and 50 males. Three categories of root canal widths (RCW) of the LL6, LL7, and LL8 [FDI 36, 37, and 38] were defined. Reproducibility was achieved by re‐assessing the same subjects 12 months apart. For females, the minimum value for RCW‐A was 16.33 years, RCW‐B 17.23 years, and RCW‐C 18.45 years. For males, the minimum values were RCW‐A 17.16 years, RCW‐B 18.29 years, and RCW‐C 18.16 years. The presence of RCW‐C in a female, and the presence of RCW‐B or RCW‐C in a male is compelling evidence that the subject is above the 18‐year threshold. 相似文献
95.
Chris McDonald Lionel Frost rea Kirk-Brown Al Rainnie† Pieter Van Dijk‡ 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2010,69(1):9-21
Place-based partnerships are supported by the state and include various organisations and interests within particular geographic areas. The Victorian government has established place-based partnerships to plan and coordinate resource allocation decisions to meet objectives such as economic development and social inclusion. In the literature there are positive and negative views of these partnerships. One view is that they allow regions to build competitive advantage, while another is that they are a means of pursuing a neoliberal policy agenda that seeks to reduce government protection and investment. We help clarify the tensions between positive and negative views of partnerships by examining the economic approaches used by policy actors toward place-based partnerships in Victoria. We find that policy actors combine neoclassical and institutionalist approaches to argue that partnerships generate networks that enable more efficient and equitable resource allocation within places . 相似文献
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Jonathan McDonald Ladd 《Political Behavior》2010,32(4):567-585
As an institution, the American news media have become highly unpopular in recent decades. Yet, we do not thoroughly understand
the consequences of this unpopularity for mass political behavior. While several existing studies find that media trust moderates
media effects, they do not examine the consequences of this for voting. This paper explores those consequences by analyzing
voting behavior in the 2004 presidential election. It finds, consistent with most theories of persuasion and with studies
of media effects in other contexts, that media distrust leads voters to discount campaign news and increasingly rely on their
partisan predispositions as cues. This suggests that increasing aggregate levels of media distrust are an important source
of greater partisan voting. 相似文献
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Michael P. McDonald 《Political Behavior》2008,30(4):491-501
I find that statewide registration portability—permitting registrants who move anywhere within a state to transfer their registration
and vote on Election Day at their new polling place—increases turnout rates among movers by 2.4% points. The effect is similar
among movers living in EDR states, suggesting that about a quarter of the beneficial turnout effect of EDR is realized by
recent movers. Yet, movers are still less likely to vote even where these policies are present. These findings further challenge
existing literature that finds that reregistering is the primary impediment of voting among movers.
相似文献
Michael P. McDonaldEmail: URL: elections.gmu.edu |
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Ambassador John W. McDonald Jr. 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(4):545-560
Abstract This article briefly outlines the four‐year negotiating process from early 1976 to late 1979, which it was necessary to follow before agreement could be reached and the United Nations General Assembly adopted, by consensus, an international treaty designed to make the act of hostage‐taking a universal crime. The treaty requires that a ratifying state prosecute an international hostage‐taker found within its borders or hand over the hostage‐taker to another state for prosecution. It fills existing gaps in international law by abolishing existing “safe havens” for hostage‐takers. The article focuses in particular on the third and final three‐week meeting of the thirty‐five‐nation Ad Hoc Committee established by the United Nations to carry out this task and shows how agreement was finally achieved. 相似文献
99.
George Shambaugh Richard Matthew Roxane Cohen Silver Bryan McDonald Michael Poulin Scott Blum 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(1):55-91
The American policy landscape during the George W. Bush administration was shaped by a series of traumatic events that confronted the nation and people of the United States. These included the terrorist attacks of 9/11 in 2001, the anthrax attacks in the fall of 2001, military actions in Afghanistan and Iraq, Hurricane Katrina in 2005, the threat of a flu pandemic in 2005 and 2006, the 2007 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change reports, and the financial collapse of 2008. The results of the 2008 presidential election appear to be a rejection of the Bush administration's major policy responses to these events, but the variation in type and level of public support among different groups suggests a much more varied and dynamic portrait of America in turbulent times. Using a multiyear panel survey, an interdisciplinary team of political scientists and psychologists analyzed the behavior and political responses to the events by the American public. The findings suggest that even seven years after the events of 11 September 2001, people with higher levels of post-traumatic stress symptomatology related to 9/11 have significantly different interpretations of the threat of terrorism and the appropriate policy responses to it than do others. Perceptions of threat, the political salience of terrorism and other traumatic events, the level of support for political leaders and assessments of the government's actions vary over time and across different groups within society based on the psychological, political and social, and personal characteristics of the respondent. These results help to open the black box of aggregate public opinion by providing a detailed portrait of how psychological, social, political, and personal factors affected perceptions and political behavior during the George W. Bush administration. 相似文献
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