排序方式: 共有121条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
22.
Rübab G. Arım V. Susan Dahinten Sheila K. Marshall Jennifer D. Shapka 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2011,40(2):207-220
This study examined reciprocal relationships between adolescents’ perceptions of parental nurturance and two types of adolescent
aggressive behaviors (indirect and direct aggression) using a transactional model. Three waves of longitudinal data were drawn
from the Canadian National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth. The sample included 1,416 (735 female) adolescents who
were 10- and 11-year-olds at Time 1 and became 14-and 15-year-olds at Time 3. The findings failed to support reciprocal effects,
but confirmed parental effects at different ages for girls and boys. For girls, perceptions of parental nurturance at age
10 were negatively associated with both indirect and direct aggression at age 12. For boys, perceptions of parental nurturance
at age 12 were negatively associated with both aggressive behaviors at age 14. Future research should continue to investigate
reciprocal effects in parent-adolescent relationships to identify developmental periods where the effect of adolescents’ or
their parents’ behavior may be stronger. 相似文献
23.
Can Pelin M.D. Ph.D. Ragıba Zağyapan Ph.D. Canan Yazıcı M.D. Ph.D. Ayla Kürkçüoğlu M.D. Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2010,55(5):1326-1330
Abstract: As there are cases brought for forensic examination where only the craniofacial region is available, estimation of stature from craniofacial dimensions is without doubt important in forensic cases. The study presented here attempts to estimate stature from craniofacial dimensions in the Turkish population. In the second phase of the study, the correlations between craniofacial dimensions and stature were also evaluated according to different head and face types. All measurements were taken from 286 healthy males with a mean age of 22.71 ± 4.86 years. The sample was then reclassified according to different head and face indexes. For the whole sample, correlation coefficients were low, changing only between 0.012 and 0.229. Thus, no significant increase in correlation coefficients was observed after the samples had been reevaluated according to different head and face types. As a conclusion, craniofacial dimensions are not good predictors for body height for the Turkish population. 相似文献
24.
The widespread reforms of Turkish public administration and the machinery of government from 2000s onwards resulted in a gradual delegation of certain state’s functions to local and non-state actors, through a gradual rescaling of the policy-making systems and a remarkable hybridization of governance logics. The relevant literature focuses largely on the rising role and importance of involving non-state actors rather than state officials in policy-making processes. The paper explains how the scope and the method of public agents’ influence adapt to the current context of so-called neoliberalization of public administration in Turkey. The paper discusses in detail provincial governors with regard to their relatively ‘disguised’ power in social and economic policies through new hybrid mechanisms. 相似文献
25.
Senem Aydın-Düzgit 《Third world quarterly》2020,41(2):264-283
AbstractIn recent years, there has been a rise of interest in the concept of autocracy promotion, with scholars questioning whether the efforts by authoritarian governments to influence political transitions beyond their borders are necessarily pro-authoritarian. An extension of this question is whether some authoritarian governments may at times find it in their interest to support democracy abroad. This article aims to answer this question by focusing on the case of Turkey. It argues that, despite its rapidly deteriorating democracy since the late 2000s, Turkey has undertaken democracy support policies with the explicit goal of democratic transition in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region during the Arab Spring and, while not bearing the intention of democratic transition, has employed democracy support instruments in the form of state-building in sub-Saharan Africa since 2005 to the present day. Based on original fieldwork, the article finds that non-democracies can turn out as democracy supporters, if and when opportunities for strategic gains from democratisation abroad arise. The article further suggests that even in those cases where strategic interests do not necessitate regime change, a non-democracy may still deploy democracy support instruments to pursue its narrow interests, without adhering to an agenda for democratic transition. 相似文献
26.
H. Tarık Ogˇuzlu 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2004,17(2):337-354
The recent thaw in bilateral Greek–Turkish relations is promising, yet insufficient for future stability and cooperation in and around the Aegean Sea. The main reason lies in the prevalence of instrumental‐strategic thinking on the part of both states. Neither Greece nor Turkey has approached the settlement of their disputes from a perspective that would imply an eagerness to build a collective identity based on the institutional norms of European international society as represented by the European Union. On the contrary, Europeanisation has not been an end in itself but a means for the materialisation of their preconceived national interests. The underlying motivation behind their attempts to reach a solution appears to have arisen from instrumental concerns vis‐à‐vis both the EU and each other. The dynamics of their independent relations with the European Union seem to have compelled them to come to a modus vivendi over these issues, since otherwise their relative status vis‐à‐vis the EU would likely deteriorate. This article will discuss the main aspects of the latest Turkish–Greek cooperation process within the framework of rationalist instrumentalist and sociological institutionalist debate in international relations theory. It will be contended that a lasting and long‐term cooperation between the two countries can only follow the formation of collective identities and common national foreign policy interests, particularly as they relate to the European Union framework. 相似文献
27.
28.
Feryaz Ocaklı 《South European society & politics》2017,22(1):61-80
How do Islamist parties mobilise support and win elections in secularist strongholds? What explains the electoral performance of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey’s most consistently secularist region – western Anatolia? This article explores these questions with a comparative case study of two similar cities in the periphery of ?zmir where the AKP registered significantly different electoral results: Ödemi? and Salihli. It shows that deep institutional transformations of the local party organisations, including leadership turnover, reshuffling of the party cadres, and an explicit attempt by local party leaders to moderate and move to the political centre, were necessary factors for the AKP to succeed in elections where the Islamist constituency is weak. 相似文献
29.
Didem Çakmaklı 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2017,17(1):113-127
This is a comparative analysis of whether and how participation in different types of civil society organizations (CSOs) enable an environment for the learning of active citizenship practices. Active citizenship is conceptualized and defined around three dimensions: civic action, social cohesion and self-actualization. The potential to transform citizenship practices is critical to the Turkish context where, rooted in its strong state tradition, citizenship has been conceptualized and practiced in a passive manner. CSOs in Turkey have burgeoned over the past two decades and provide an important space to pursue a wide range of interests and provide services. This study is an in depth analysis of participant experiences in six CSOs in Istanbul. The study distinguishes between CSOs based on indicators that are expected to create variation in how the participant is engaged. CSOs are classified as either rights or obligations based, membership or volunteer based, and finally based on their types of activities. This article presents results on the effect of participation in rights vs. obligations-based CSOs on the development of active citizenship practices. 相似文献
30.