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Abstract: In this article, the authors argue that workers' compensation policies in Canada should be made more accountable to elected governments. The changing nature of occupational risks has created a range of workplace injuries against which current workers' compensation programs do not adequately insure. The existence of workers' compensation alongside the other components of the social‐safety net may have created significant numbers of individuals who are either not receiving compensation when they should be or are receiving compensation when they should not be. The implication is that other programs bear some of the costs that should be borne by workers' compensation and, conversely, that some of the costs borne by workers' compensation should be borne by other social programs. These “gaps and overlaps” indicate that workers' compensation should be better integrated with the rest of the programs that make up the Canadian social‐safety net. The article concludes with a menu of reforms, including the establishment, through legislation, of a formal reporting relationship; changes to the composition and size of governance structures; the introduction of strategic planning; and the establishment of performance measurement processes. Sommaire: Selon les auteurs de cet article, les politiques concernant les accidents du travail au Canada devraient relever davantage des gouvernements élus. L'évolution des risques professionnels a Créé toute une gamme d'accidents du travail pour lesquels l'assurance des régimes actuels d'indemnisation est inadéquate. L'existence des régimes d'assurance contre les accidents du travail parallèlement aux autres éléments de sécurité sociale aurait pour effet de multiplier le nombre de personnes quisoit ne reçoivent pas de prestations lorsqu'elles devraient en recevoir, soit l'inverse. Par conséquent, d'autres programmes défraient certains des coûts qui incombent au régime des accidents du travail, tandis que ce dernier défraie des coûts imputables a d'autres programmes sociaux. Ces lacunes et chevauchements indiquent que le régime d'assurance contre les accidents du travail devrait être mieux intégré au reste des programmes qui constituent le filet de sécurité sociale au Canada. L'article propose une série de réformes, dont l'adoption légiférée d'une relation formelle de compte rendu, la modification de la composition et de la taille des structures de gouvernance, l'adoption de la planification stratégique, et l'établissement de processus de mesure du rendement.  相似文献   
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Space advocates commonly compare the settling of the “space frontier” to the settling of the “western frontier” in the United States, arguing that space settlement will realize the same benefits purportedly realized by the western expansion of the United States: the generation of new cultures; the development of new technologies; and the empowerment of democratic governance. However, much of the reasoning here is based on a faulty understanding of history and on an overly optimistic view of what it will be like to live in a space settlement. Thus, I argue that ardent faith in the promises of settling the space frontier is a mythological belief, rather than a well-confirmed one.  相似文献   
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Although much is known about peer victimization, the majority of the longitudinal research in this area has been restricted to Western settings. The main objective of this study was to examine the interpersonal (rejection) and personal (withdrawal, aggression) antecedents and consequences of victimization for Chinese children living in Hong Kong. A sample of 1,058 children (501 boys; M age = 9.5 years) in Hong Kong was followed longitudinally from the 3rd and 4th grades to the 7th and 8th grades. Consistent with a transactional framework, rejection and withdrawal contributed to, as well as resulted from, victimization. Although victimization predicted later aggression, aggression was unrelated to later victimization. These findings closely replicate past research conducted in North America and European settings, and suggest considerable correspondence in the links between maladaptive child characteristics and victimization across Western and Hong Kong schools.  相似文献   
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This article examines the previously unexplored current of Freethinking feminism in the second half of the nineteenth century. Active in the women’s movement of this period, Freethinking feminists were nonetheless viewed as a liability—an attitude that contributed to their exclusion from much of the subsequent historiography. Such marginalisation was due not only to their vocal opposition to all forms of religion, but also their openness to discussing new ways of organising heterosexual relationships. This article focuses on Freethinking feminist critiques of marriage and support for free unions. It demonstrates that these issues continued to be debated in the Secularist movement at a time when many other radical organisations—including much of the women’s movement—kept silent on such topics. In this way, Freethinking feminists kept alive the more radical and libertarian critiques of traditional sexual morality developed by Owenite feminists in the 1830s and 40s. The author argues that the ideology of Freethought propelled its adherents to readdress questions of sex within a new ‘Secularist’ ethical framework. Fierce debate ensued, yet commitment to freedom of discussion ensured that ‘unrespectable’, libertarian voices were never entirely silenced. Freethinking feminism might, then, be viewed as the ‘missing link’ between early nineteenth‐century feminist visions of greater sexual freedom and the more radical discussions of sexuality and free love that began to emerge at the fin de siècle.  相似文献   
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This article presents findings from a randomized experiment conducted in four Canadian provinces to measure the effects of a generous financial incentive that was designed to promote rapid re‐employment among workers who were displaced from their jobs by changing economic conditions. The incentive tested was an earnings supplement which, for as long as 2 years and as much as $250 weekly, would replace 75 percent of the earnings loss incurred by displaced workers who took a new lower‐paying full‐time job within six months of receiving a supplement offer. Findings from the experiment indicate that although persons offered the supplement understood its terms and conditions, only 2 out of 10 actually received supplement payments. Furthermore, the supplement offer had little effect on job‐search behavior, employment prospects, or receipt of unemployment insurance. Nevertheless, persons who received supplement payments benefited from them substantially. On average, they received payments for 64 weeks, totaling $8,705. © 2001 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.  相似文献   
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Prosocial behaviors (i.e., actions that benefit others) are important markers of healthy social functioning, and understanding the factors that predict such outcomes among recent immigrant Latino adolescents is important. The current study examines the longitudinal associations between maternal involvement and prosocial behaviors via collectivism values. Data comes from a longitudinal project (Construyendo Oportunidades Para los Adolescentes Latinos) of 302 recently immigrated U.S. Latina/o adolescents (53.3% male, average age?=?14.51 years old). The current study uses data from three times points across 2 years. The results demonstrated that maternal involvement was positively associated with collectivism values. Collectivism was positively associated with changes in prosocial behaviors. There was also partial support for a reverse-causal model. Discussion focuses on the links among parenting, cultural values, and prosocial behaviors among immigrant U.S. Latina/o adolescents.  相似文献   
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Thomas Schwartz 《Public Choice》2008,135(3-4):353-373
A standard conclusion of theorists who model bargaining as a non-cooperative game is that the party designated to make the first move—the formateur party—will determine the bargaining outcome. Most empirical studies of parliamentary coalition formation have paid surprisingly little attention to the formation process. In this paper we model government formation as a two-stage unordered discrete choice problem that better reflects this process. The first step involves the selection of a formateur party, and the second involves the choice of partners by the predicted formateur. We evaluate several hypotheses for the two stages, using a data set of all cabinets formed in the Western European countries from 1970 to 2006. In our analyses of formateur selection, we find that party size is clearly the dominant feature. In the second stage, we show that when predicting government composition it is fruitful to add information drawn from a first stage analysis.  相似文献   
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