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151.
Mackinnon SP 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2012,41(4):474-485
As students transition to post-secondary education, they experience considerable stress and declines in academic performance.
Perceived social support is thought to improve academic achievement by reducing stress. Longitudinal designs with three or
more waves are needed in this area because they permit stronger causal inferences and help disentangle the direction of relationships.
This study uses a cross-lagged panel and a bivariate growth curve analysis with a three-wave longitudinal design. Participants
include 10,445 students (56% female; 12.6% born outside of Canada) transitioning to post-secondary education from ages 15–19.
Self-report measures of academic achievement and a generalized measure of perceived social support were used. An increase
in average relative standing in academic achievement predicted an increase in average relative standing on perceived social
support 2 years later, but the reverse was not true. High levels of perceived social support at age 15 did not protect against
declines in academic achievement over time. In sum, perceived social support appears to have no bearing on adolescents’ future
academic performance, despite commonly held assumptions of its importance. 相似文献
152.
Kidd S 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2012,41(5):533-543
This invited commentary seeks to encourage a critical dialogue about youth homelessness that might assist in re-energizing
a field that seems increasingly stagnant with a research body focused primarily on analyses of risk, hopelessly inadequate
policy frameworks in most cities, diminishing funds for services, and decreasing media attention. Reviewing major trends in
research and public responses to youth homelessness in the past century, I propose that there exist three major culturally-bound
dimensions from which we construct our understanding of and responses to youth homelessness. These dimensions, which are considered
in a transactional framework, are the scope of responsibility, the location of moral responsibility, and the amount of agency
attributed to the youth. In this review I highlight the manner in which our historically binary and uncritical understanding
of these dimensional characterizations of youth homelessness has led to major lapses in the effectiveness of our collective
efforts to address this problem. I highlight gaps in the existing body of research literature and provide this framework,
arguing that a strategic and cohesive response is vital if we are to move from reiterations of risk and hackneyed calls for
prevention strategies to the generation of meaningful solutions. 相似文献
153.
Scholars have challenged the notion of "political safeguardsof federalism" in a large and well-developed body of work onthe use of coercive policy tools by the federal government.This study suggests, however, that there may be some utilityin re-examining the political factors that help to constrainthe growth of national power. Specifically, it argues that theneed to win votes from subnational constituencies makes nationallawmakers less supportive of mandates, preemptions, and taxsanctions during election cycles and, thus, provides an intermittentsafeguard of state authority. It tests and finds evidence forhypotheses related to that general argument in analyses of thepassage of coercive federalist policies over the last thirtyyears. 相似文献
154.
This paper investigates whether and to what extent regulation may be associated with wage inequality. Using regulation measures created by Al-Ubaydli and McLaughlin (Regul Govern 11:109–123, 2017), I find that regulation is associated with larger within-occupation wage inequality. Specifically, I show that a worker at the 90th wage percentile realizes a raise of $1.19 per hour relative to the 10th percentile earner for each standard deviation increase in regulation. That represents a 3.5% raise for a worker at the 90th percentile. Overall, increases in the regulatory burden are associated with 42–45% of the change in the 90th–10th percentile wage ratio from 2002 through 2014.
相似文献155.
Sean Haughey 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(1):134-140
The decision of the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin to once again share power in Northern Ireland has ended a three-year hiatus in the region’s devolved government. The deal which resurrects the devolved institutions—New Decade, New Approach—is not short of ambition. It introduces significant institutional reforms which place the institutions on a more sustainable footing and limit the potential for abuse of the Assembly’s infamous Petition of Concern. Nettles have been grasped on issues to do with language, culture, and identity that have long vexed political parties in Northern Ireland. Tucked away in the deal’s appendices are commitments to implement outstanding pledges made in previous agreements, plus ambitious plans for the new Northern Ireland Executive. However, as parties in the region were quick to discover, aspects of this deal are easier said than done. This article considers what New Decade, New Approach promises and, if fully implemented, what its implications are for politics and governance in Northern Ireland. 相似文献
156.
This study takes stock of the field of Intelligence Studies thanks to a quantitative review of all the articles published in the two main journals in the field: Intelligence and National Security and the International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence. Particular attention is paid to the diversity of the authors publishing in these two journals and the evolution of the issues they discuss. Publications in the field are widely authored by males based in the United States and the United Kingdom who write about Western intelligence and security organizations. Recent years have seen a slight diversification in the field but further efforts will be necessary to develop a more eclectic body of researchers and research on intelligence and national security. 相似文献
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Sean Richey 《政治交往》2013,30(1):24-43
This research examines whether authoritarianism can be stimulated and activated by politicians. The traditional belief is that psychological traits are basically quasipermanent structures that consistently determine behavior, but newer research suggests that these traits can be stimulated. This research tests whether campaigns can stimulate traits with targeted messages. I do so by exposing subjects in an experiment to political television advertising that was designed to stimulate known correlates of authoritarianism, such as fear. The results show that authoritarianism is stimulated in treatment groups that watched advertising designed to invoke threat and the strong-father metaphor and the treatment effect is greater on conservatives. I also show that watching these commercials leads to an activation of authoritarianism that influences its predictive power over support for torture. This suggests that politicians can use emotional appeals to stimulate advantageous personality traits, and that these ads also influence the public's attitudes through activation. 相似文献