首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   275篇
  免费   25篇
各国政治   27篇
工人农民   8篇
世界政治   16篇
外交国际关系   20篇
法律   137篇
中国政治   2篇
政治理论   89篇
综合类   1篇
  2024年   1篇
  2023年   2篇
  2022年   1篇
  2021年   5篇
  2020年   5篇
  2019年   9篇
  2018年   12篇
  2017年   21篇
  2016年   21篇
  2015年   10篇
  2014年   10篇
  2013年   36篇
  2012年   17篇
  2011年   11篇
  2010年   8篇
  2009年   11篇
  2008年   11篇
  2007年   22篇
  2006年   14篇
  2005年   12篇
  2004年   17篇
  2003年   5篇
  2002年   8篇
  2001年   6篇
  2000年   5篇
  1999年   2篇
  1998年   3篇
  1997年   5篇
  1996年   1篇
  1995年   1篇
  1993年   1篇
  1992年   1篇
  1989年   1篇
  1988年   1篇
  1987年   1篇
  1985年   1篇
  1984年   1篇
  1973年   1篇
排序方式: 共有300条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
121.
Popular cultures in Western societies have long espoused the notion that phases of the moon influence human behavior. In particular, there is a common belief the full moon increases incidents of aberrant, deviant, and criminal behavior. Using police, astronomical, and weather data from a major southwestern American city, this study assessed whether lunar cycles related with rates of reported crime. The findings fail to support popular lore, which has suggested that lunar phase influenced the volume of crime reported to the police. Future research directions examining qualitative rather than quantitative aspects of this problem may yield further inform the understanding of whether lunar cycles appreciably influence demands for policing services.  相似文献   
122.
This paper will set out the two very different regional leadership strategies being pursued by Brazil and Venezuela, concluding that it is the Brazilian neo-structuralist vision that will have more success than the Venezuelan overseas development aid approach. The two different approaches to Latin American leadership point to a substantive difference in how the regional system should operate in geopolitical and geo-economic terms, with the Brazilians favouring a market-oriented system in opposition to Venezuela's statist option. Contestation for regional leadership as set out in the article emerges as an early indicator of a chilling of relations between Brazil and Venezuela and points to a future scenario where other regional states may be able to play off contending would-be leaders.  相似文献   
123.
While the canonical literature on oil wealth suggests that hydrocarbon windfalls encourage repressive despotism, Kuwait provides a case of an oil-rich autocracy governing instead through popular rentierism—that is, through a broad coalition of social forces, one that furnishes enduring loyalty from below while constraining abuses of state power from above. This paper provides a theoretically guided explanation for this exceptional outcome. I argue that the Kuwaiti regime’s coalitional bargains originated in the pre-oil era, when domestic opposition and geopolitical constrictions compelled it to forge new social alliances at the dawn of modern statehood. This inclusionary strategy mediated the subsequent effect of oil rents, which the regime used to institutionalize its mass base with costly material and symbolic side payments. Such popular incorporation bound large constituent classes to the regime’s survival, precluding the need for widespread repression. After 50 years, these coalitional bargains have also proven remarkably resilient, as social actors have continued to endorse the autocratic leadership despite economic crisis and wartime defeat.  相似文献   
124.
125.
This article provides a perspective on strategic trends in the NATO alliance and the broader transatlantic relationship. It evaluates the extent of NATO's successes and failures over the last 15 years in the areas of the Balkans, NATO enlargement, and the international campaign against terrorism. The central conclusion is that, while NATO's members have significant technical reforms available that could help to reinvigorate the institution, none is likely to come to fruition without a major change in strategic concepts on both sides of the Atlantic.  相似文献   
126.
Sean McGlynn 《政治学》1996,16(3):167-174
This paper draws attention to the notable parallels between the problems faced by John Major and his government over Europe and a comparative situation from the 13th century. It shows that nationalism has been a leading force in politics for far longer than chronocentric analysis has allowed and that rulers — whether kings or prime ministers — ignore it at their own cost.  相似文献   
127.
This article defines and assesses the ideal-type of the radical criminal as the analytical framework for a comparative qualitative study of Mexican religious drug cartels and Australian outlaw motorcycle gangs and concludes that radical criminals operate in both weak and failed states and stable democracies. The article participates in the wider discussion concerning the existence (and the features) of a grey area between criminal and political violence, through the lens of the radical criminal ideal-type.  相似文献   
128.
Literature reviews in criminological and criminal justice journal articles have long served as an integral component in our empirical backyard. In this address I explore the value of the literature review in peer-reviewed research articles. I begin by evaluating the merits of the literature review section in empirically refereed research articles. I propose abandoning the literature review, due to its overall insignificance and best practices from other disciplines. Based on reasons outlined in this speech, I elaborate on the strengths and weaknesses of this somewhat controversial notion in the criminological/criminal justice discipline.  相似文献   
129.
130.
The present paper uses a rich dataset based on naturally-occurring lotteries for 68 new small non-selective high schools in New York City, which we refer to as small schools of choice (SSCs), to address two related questions: (1) What high school features are promising levers for increasing graduation rates for disadvantaged students? and (2) What high school features helped to produce SSCs’ positive impacts on graduation rates? Our findings provide suggestive evidence that school leadership quality, teacher empowerment, teacher mutual support, teacher evaluation and feedback, teacher professional development, data-driven instruction, teacher/parent communication, academic rigor, personalized learning, and teacher/student respect are promising levers for increasing graduation rates for disadvantaged students. Our findings also provide suggestive evidence that many of these school features explain part of the total average SSC effect on graduation rates, although most of this average effect remains unexplained. Lastly, our findings indicate that SSCs are clearly distinguishable from their counterfactual counterparts in terms of school features that were emphasized by SSC funders.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号