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71.
Sean Walsh Huifang Tian John Whalley Manmohan Agarwal 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2011,11(3):261-273
In this paper, we discuss a range of issues concerning developing country participation in current global climate change mitigation
negotiations, especially India and China. We argue that the problem of redefining ‘common yet differentiated responsibilities’
in a way which allows developing countries room to pursue their individual development goals while still achieving the necessary
level of carbon mitigation is central to the debate. The choice of negotiating instruments, effective technology transfer
and financial support, and other related issues have been raised principally by China and India, and may also be raised by
several other countries. Kyoto non-compliance by Annex 1 countries will also greatly impact the negotiating power of China
and India and other developing countries. We conclude that, once basic principles are clearly defined, the greatest incentive
for China and India to participate in climate change negotiations is the prospect of future negotiating rounds that can be
linked to a large number of climate change related issues, such as intellectual property, the potential for financial transfers
and trade/market access. 相似文献
72.
Elizabeth Maggie Penn John W. Patty Sean Gailmard 《American journal of political science》2011,55(2):436-449
This article considers environments in which individual preferences are single‐peaked with respect to an unspecified, but unidimensional, ordering of the alternative space. We show that in these environments, any institution that is coalitionally strategy‐proof must be dictatorial. Thus, any nondictatorial institutional environment that does not explicitly utilize an a priori ordering over alternatives in order to render a collective decision is necessarily prone to the strategic misrepresentation of preferences by an individual or a group. Moreover, we prove in this environment that for any nondictatorial institution, the truthful revelation of preferences can never be a dominant strategy equilibrium. Accordingly, an incentive to behave insincerely is inherent to the vast majority of real‐world lawmaking systems, even when the policy space is unidimensional and the core is nonempty. 相似文献
73.
Application of the Optimized Summed Scored Attributes Method to Sex Estimation in Asian Crania
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The optimized summed scored attributes (OSSA) method was recently introduced and validated for nonmetric ancestry estimation between American Black and White individuals. The method proceeds by scoring, dichotomizing, and subsequently summing ordinal morphoscopic trait scores to maximize between‐group differences. This study tests the applicability of the OSSA method for sex estimation using five cranial traits given the methodological similarities between classifying sex and ancestry. A large sample of documented crania from Japan and Thailand (n = 744 males, 320 females) are used to develop a heuristically selected OSSA sectioning point of ≤1 separating males and females. This sectioning point is validated using a holdout sample of Japanese, Thai, and Filipino (n = 178 males, 82 females) individuals. The results indicate a general correct classification rate of 82% using all five traits, and 81% when excluding the mental eminence. Designating an OSSA score of 2 as indeterminate is recommended. 相似文献
74.
Kevin Gray 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(5):577-599
Abstract Through a case study of Taiwan, this paper seeks to address recent debates surrounding the transformation of developmental states in East Asia. Whilst a number of authors have cited the Taiwanese state as being both cautious and resilient in the midst of global restructuring, this paper seeks to critically engage with such arguments by highlighting the dynamic and mutually constitutive relations between the forms of social relations that underpin late development and the wider geopolitical system in which such development occurs. Specifically, Taiwanese industrialisation can be viewed as an outcome of the US intervention in the Chinese civil war and subsequent exclusion of China from the regional political economy in the period between the Korean and Vietnam Wars. The Kuomintang (KMT)'s retreat to Taiwan established the basis for the autonomous developmental state, and the US underpinned this state through military protection, aid and access to its own domestic market. However, the relative decline of US hegemony and the readmission of China into the international system have posed significant challenges to Taiwan's developmental state. The US sought to redress its trade imbalance with East Asia by placing pressure on Taiwan to liberalise its political economy. Furthermore, the very process of development itself served to undermine the autonomy of the state as it came under pressure from new social forces. Taiwan has more recently been faced with a dilemma of closer integration with the mainland or the maintenance of its de facto economic and political independence at the risk of becoming isolated from the global trading system. 相似文献
75.
Michael D. Freeman Ph.D. M.P.H. Todd M. Everson Ph.D.c. M.P.H. Sean S. Kohles Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(1):237-244
Jet‐propelled personal watercraft (PWC) or jet‐skis have become increasingly popular. The means of propulsion of PWC, which is a jet of water forced out of small nozzle at the rear of the craft, combined with a high risk of falling off of the seat and into close proximity with the water jet stream, raise the potential for a unique type of injury mechanism. The most serious injuries associated with PWC falls are those that occur when the perineum passes in close proximity to the jet nozzle and the high‐pressure water stream enters the vaginal or rectal orifice. We describe the forensic investigation into a case of an anovaginal “blowout” injury in a passenger who was ejected from the rear seat position of a PWC and subsequently suffered life‐threatening injuries to the pelvic organs. The investigation included a biomechanical analysis of the injury mechanism, a summary of prior published reports of internal pelvic injuries resulting from PWC falls as well as other water sports and activities, and a comparison of the severity of the injuries resulting from differing mechanisms using the New Injury Severity Score (NISS). The mean (±standard deviation [SD]) NISS values for reported PWC injuries [not including the NISS of 38 in this case study] were 11.2 (±9.5), while the mean value for reported water‐skiing falls was half that of the PWC group at 5.6 (±5.2). It was concluded that the analyzed injuries were unique to a PWC ejection versus other previously described non‐PWC‐associated water sport injuries. It is recommended that PWC manufacturers help consumers understand the potential risks to passengers with highly visible warnings and reduce injury risk with revised seat design, and/or passenger seat “deadman” switches. 相似文献
76.
Sean Thomas 《The Journal of legal history》2013,34(2):151-187
The Factors Act 1823 was the first major statutory exception to the rule nemo dat quod non habet in English law. The limited existing analysis of this Act suggests that it came about through the lobbying actions of merchants. This article demonstrates that the Factors Act 1823 was actually a compromise, and was considered a mere stepping-stone for further reform. The additional role of government policy in the development of the Factors Act 1825 is also demonstrated. 相似文献
77.
78.
Sean E. Mulholland 《Public Choice》2013,157(1-2):91-113
Hate group activity may incite criminal behavior or serve as protection from bias-based violence. I find that the presence of one or more active white supremacist chapters is associated with higher hate crime rates. I reject the hypothesis that chapter presence and hate crimes are symptomatic of the overall level of bias-based violence. Moreover, I reject the hypothesis that white supremacist groups form in response to an increase in antiwhite hate crimes, particularly those perpetrated by nonwhites. 相似文献
79.
80.
Sean Byrne 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):1-24
This article evaluates previous third‐party efforts to broker a consociational power‐sharing solution on the peoples of Northern Ireland. Instead, an original and dynamic community‐based problem‐solving linkage system proposes co‐operation between Northern Ireland's grassroots constituents, paramilitary groups and political elites. The process would be facilitated by a quasi‐mediator comprising the three Northern Irish Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and four MEPs – two each from the Netherlands and Belgium. This is a vision of how to create a mutually beneficial process linking psychocultural and structural dimensions by promoting dialogue, understanding, tolerance and the sharing of commonalities in beliefs, identity, and behaviors among groups involved in intercommunal conflict situations. 相似文献