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Zusammenfassung  Die Frage der Einklagbarkeit von Fehlern bei der Umweltvertr?glichkeitsprüfung (UVP) ist weiterhin ein rechtlich unsicheres Terrain und damit für komplexe Gro?vorhaben ein erheblicher Risikofaktor. Mit dem Umwelt-Rechtsbehelfsgesetz (UmwRG) hat der deutsche Gesetzgeber Regelungen erlassen, die zwar in gewissem Umfang eine Einklagbarkeit von UVP-Fehlern vorsehen, deren Auslegung jedoch umstritten ist. Der vorliegende Beitrag behandelt die Frage, ob und ggf. in welchem Umfang das UmwRG Drittbetroffenen ein subjektives Recht auf Einklagbarkeit von UVP-Fehlern einr?umt. Es wird aufgezeigt, dass insoweit zwischen Umweltschutzvereinigungen und sonstigen Beteiligten zu differenzieren ist und dass eine Erweiterung der Einklagbarkeit von UVP-Fehlern über die beiden in §4 Abs. 1 UmwRG genannten F?lle (Nichtdurchführung einer UVP bzw. Einzelfallvorprüfung) nach der klaren gesetzlichen Festlegung und der bisher ergangenen Rechtsprechung nicht in Betracht kommt.  相似文献   
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It is argued that the stories of the survivors of the Srebrenica massacre in 1995 have been neglected by the memorial culture of Bosnia and by the various national reports that investigated how the massacre could have taken place. The author argues that a satisfactory history of the genocide has to include the voices of the survivors, in this case, the women. These are stories of trauma that are hard to listen to. She compares listening to them to the difficulty historians experience in listening to the stories of other genocides like the Shoah/Holocaust, they are stories based on silence about what cannot be told. The argument relies on the oral history literature on listening to trauma as personal and subjective accounts of survival. They are not straightforward referential narratives. One narrative, the narrative of Sabaheta who lost her child and husband, is central to the piece. She is one of the women interviewed by the author. The interview expresses sorrow about loss and rage about the international community; these stories are interwoven. The narrative also describes through the eyes of the victim what she felt happened. The author is Dutch, so is part of the one nation – more than any other – that is accused of “doing nothing.” It was the Dutch army that was supposed to protect the civilian population of Srebrenica. The government of The Netherlands has halted any negotiation on financial support for the research as “the project does not help to overcome trauma.” She argues that giving a voice to the victim is a necessary step toward closure.  相似文献   
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The purpose of this prospective study is to investigate the value and accuracy of the measurements of the foramen magnum (FM) by using three-dimensional computed tomography (3DCT). Cases were randomly selected among 100 patients (48 males, 52 females) who had temporal CT in the Radiology Department. Seven measurements of the foramen magnum on 3D images, modified from the nine lines previously defined by Giles and Elliot were made. Using Fisher's linear discriminant functions test, the length and width of right condyle and width of FM diameters were found to be statistically different in each sex (p < 0.001) with 81% accuracy. To our best knowledge, this is the first report studying 3DCT measurements of FM, resulting with a sex determination accuracy rate of 81%. CT/3DCT can be reliably used in further investigations to provide basis for anthropometric and forensic issues.  相似文献   
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Political reasons for asking, and consequences of, parliamentary questions in the Turkish parliament during the 19th legislative period (1991–95) were investigated. Political reasons for asking questions were inferred from attributes of questions including the party affiliation of questioners, question content, referred authorities, and constituency linkages in questions. Political consequences were gauged by the substance of ministers' answers. Our findings reveal that both opposition parliamentarians and government ministers have strategies or behavioural patterns for using parliamentary questions to enhance their own political appeal. Parliamentarians ask either blaming or soliciting questions. Blaming questions are more likely to be (i) of oral type; (ii) directed to the PM; (iii) unrelated to the constituency. Soliciting questions are more likely to be (i) of written type; (ii) directed to the responsible minister; (iii) related to the constituency. In turn, ministers are more willing to give positive, concrete, or promising answers to questions that either beg for help or a solution or pertain to particular constituencies.  相似文献   
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Numerous scholars have investigated religiously motivated violence, particularly in the wake of September 11, including discussions on the role of modernity in triggering religious violence, the increasing presence of religion in politics, the violence-prone nature of certain religions, and religion's correlation with ethnicity and other conflict-intensifying variables. However, religious activism and violence are not new phenomena. Few theories have been advanced that move across time and space and, broadly, seek to explain the conditions under which religion becomes involved in activism and violence. This article argues that three broad causal arguments for religious activism—social movements, fundamentalism, and apocalyptic warriors—help explain the conditions under which religiously motivated violence occurs across time and space. These three causal arguments offer a spectrum of goals within religious activism, ranging from challenging social practices and government policies, to defending specific interpretations and practices of the faith, to hastening the apocalypse. Furthermore, each of these theories proposes different ways that religion becomes involved in social, political, and religious activism and the conditions under which groups use violence to further their goals. The article concludes by suggesting countermeasures for each type of religious activism.  相似文献   
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