全文获取类型
收费全文 | 102篇 |
免费 | 8篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 6篇 |
工人农民 | 13篇 |
世界政治 | 11篇 |
外交国际关系 | 11篇 |
法律 | 38篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 28篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 2篇 |
2019年 | 4篇 |
2018年 | 12篇 |
2017年 | 6篇 |
2016年 | 9篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 3篇 |
2013年 | 19篇 |
2012年 | 4篇 |
2011年 | 2篇 |
2010年 | 1篇 |
2009年 | 3篇 |
2008年 | 3篇 |
2007年 | 5篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 2篇 |
2004年 | 3篇 |
2003年 | 1篇 |
2002年 | 6篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1969年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有110条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
62.
Contemporary efforts to evaluate representation often compare survey measures of how citizens say they would vote on legislation to what elected officials do in office. These comparisons generally suggest poor representation. We argue here that this common design is unlikely to effectively evaluate representation because responses to survey questions differ in important aspects from voting in legislatures. Measurement error and construct validity undermine the comparison. Three survey experiments show that providing partisan and nonpartisan information readily available to legislators materially changes respondents' expressed preferences on roll‐call votes. With information, expressed policy positions are both less centrist and more closely matched to legislator behavior in their preferred party. Respondents also appear aware of their own lack of knowledge in evaluating roll‐call policy votes. The treatment effect of information decreases in confidence judging policy in that area. We show similar patterns for respondent opinions on Supreme Court decisions. 相似文献
63.
Lorenzo-Blanco Elma I. Meca Alan Unger Jennifer B. Szapocznik José Cano Miguel Ángel Des Rosiers Sabrina E. Schwartz Seth J. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2019,48(1):114-131
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Latinx families can experience cultural stressors, which can negatively influence their emotional and behavioral health. Few studies have examined if perceived... 相似文献
64.
Seth J. Schwartz Jennifer B. Unger Alan Meca Elma I. Lorenzo-Blanco Lourdes Baezconde-Garbanati Miguel Ángel Cano Brandy Piña-Watson José Szapocznik Byron L. Zamboanga David Córdova Andrea J. Romero Tae Kyoung Lee Daniel W. Soto Juan A. Villamar Karina M. Lizzi Sabrina E. Des Rosiers Monica Pattarroyo 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2017,46(4):898-913
The present study was designed to examine trajectories of personal identity coherence and confusion among Hispanic recent-immigrant adolescents, as well as the effects of these trajectories on psychosocial and risk-taking outcomes. Personal identity is extremely important in anchoring young immigrants during a time of acute cultural change. A sample of 302 recently immigrated (5 years or less in the United States at baseline) Hispanic adolescents (Mage?=?14.51 years at baseline; SD?=?0.88 years, range 14–17) from Miami and Los Angeles (47?% girls) completed measures of personal identity coherence and confusion at the first five waves of a six-wave longitudinal study; and reported on positive psychosocial functioning, depressive symptoms, and externalizing problems at baseline and at Time 6. Results indicated that identity coherence increased linearly across time, but that there were no significant changes in confusion over time and no individual differences in confusion trajectories. Higher baseline levels of, and improvements in, coherence predicted higher levels of self-esteem, optimism, and prosocial behavior at the final study timepoint. Higher baseline levels of confusion predicted lower self-esteem, greater depressive symptoms, more aggressive behavior, and more rule breaking at the final study timepoint. These results are discussed in terms of the importance of personal identity for Hispanic immigrant adolescents, and in terms of implications for intervention. 相似文献
65.
Only a small portion of Americans make campaign donations, yet because ambitious politicians need these resources, this group may be particularly important for shaping political outcomes. We investigate the characteristics and motivations of the donorate using a novel dataset that combines administrative records of two types of political participation, contributing and voting, with a rich set of survey variables. These merged observations allow us to examine differences in demographics, validated voting, and ideology across subgroups of the population and to evaluate the motivations of those who donate. We find that in both parties donors are consistently and notably divergent from non-donors to a larger degree than voters are divergent from non-voters. Of great interest, in both parties donors are more ideologically extreme than other partisans, including primary voters. With respect to why individuals contribute, we show that donors appear responsive to their perception of the stakes in the election. We also present evidence that inferences about donor ideology derived from the candidates donors give to may not closely reflect the within-party policy ideology of those donors. Overall, our results suggest that donations are a way for citizens motivated by the perceived stakes of elections to increase their participation beyond solely turning out. 相似文献
66.
While the effects of legal and institutional arrangements on political participation are well documented, little attention has been given to the potential participatory effects of one of the United States' most important electoral laws: constitutionally mandated reapportionment. By severing the ties between constituents and their incumbents, we argue, redistricting raises information costs, leading to increased levels of nonvoting in U.S. House contests. Survey data from the 1992 American National Election Studies show that redrawn citizens are half as likely to know their incumbent's name as citizens who remain in a familiar incumbent's district and, consequently, significantly more likely to roll off, or abstain from voting in the House election after having cast a presidential vote. We also show that participation rates in the 2002–2006 House elections in Texas—each of which followed a redistricting—match these patterns, with roll-off increasing 3% to 8% in portions of the state that were redrawn, controlling for other factors. The findings demonstrate that scholars and policy makers ought to be concerned with the extent to which the redrawing of congressional lines affects citizens' exercise of political voice. 相似文献
67.
68.
69.
The drawing of congressional district lines can significantly reduce political participation in U.S. House elections, according to recent work. But such studies have failed to explain which citizens’ voting rates are most susceptible to the dislocating effects of redistricting and whether the findings are generalizable to a variety of political contexts. Building on this nascent literature and work on black political participation, we show that redistricting's negative effects on participation—measured by voter roll‐off in U.S. House elections—are generally strongest among African Americans, but that black voters can be mobilized when they are redrawn into a black representative's congressional district. Our findings, based on data from 11 postredistricting elections in five states from 1992 through 2006, both expand the empirical scope of previous work and suggest that redistricting plays a previously hidden role in affecting black participation in congressional contests. 相似文献
70.
Seth Silverman 《环境索赔杂志》2015,27(1):60-92
Energy efficiency is a multiple-win opportunity for reducing global warming pollution, providing energy and cost savings, improving local environmental quality, and increasing the resilience of our built environment. In 2030, 85 percent of New York City's building portfolio will be comprised of buildings that exist today. Scaling up building retrofits and creating the policy environment to grow the building retrofits industry in New York City is critical to achieving the city's economic, local and global environmental, public health, and resilience goals. This article proposes scaling up the city's innovative residential energy efficiency efforts through a home efficiency Web portal, accelerating and stitching innovative programs together as they grow, leveraging post-Sandy recovery funding for building performance improvements, and moving stepwise towards certain mandates for energy performance among the city's smaller private buildings. 相似文献