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As part of the European project, Impaired Motorists, Methods of Roadside Testing and Assessment for Licensing, otherwise known as IMMORTAL (Deliverable R4.2), the University of Glasgow was required to analyse 1396 oral fluid samples, collected from drivers, for a wide range of drugs. A previously described method to include 49 drugs and metabolites was used. To include cannabis in the study a separate extraction method was required because of interferences caused by the collection device. The study group included drivers who were stopped at random and participation was entirely voluntary. The results showed that out of the 1396 samples tested, 16.8% were positive for at least one drug. In the majority of positive cases (85%), monodrug use was found and the most commonly detected drug was 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine. This study showed that a significant number of the driving population are positive for at least one drug.  相似文献   
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Abstract

In January 1974, when fighting broke out between Saigon forces and Chinese in the oil-promising South China Sea, the American establishment news media tended to assume that the Chinese, being communists, must have been the aggressors. Those reporters who were quickly able to attune themselves to the official State Department line, however, refrained from making any judgment regarding the merits of the controversy. And well they might have, for the assertions of America's client regime regarding the various archipelagoes are at best dubious. Official U.S. Government maps designate the islets by their Chinese (not Vietnamese) names, and neither Hanoi nor the Provisional Revolutionary Government has stated any claims in the region.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

In 1966 the UN passed two International Human Rights Covenants that are among the great achievements of humankind. The covenants were adopted in five equally binding languages, one of which was Chinese. The People's Republic of China (PRC) is generally assumed to have ratified one and signed (but not ratified) the other. In 1973, however, soon after the PRC began representing China in the UN, new Chinese-language versions of each mysteriously came into existence. These are the versions one is likely to find on the UN website, and they are what the Chinese government treats as the “covenants.” The authors of this article show that these contain substantial revisions from the covenants that had been passed by the UN 1966 and subsequently ratified by at least 164 countries. The revised versions are so different, in fact, that one could well question whether the PRC actually embraced either covenant. The covenants granted rights that the revisions would later withdraw, and in at least one case the revisions recognize a right that is absent in the covenants. Based on their comparative analysis of the various versions, the question arises as to whether China is a responsible actor in the international legal order and a reliable partner when it comes to entering into agreements with other countries or acceding to international treaties. Given that China comprises over one-fifth of humanity, it also brings into question whether the principles in the covenants can claim absolute validity and anything like universal acceptance.  相似文献   
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Abstract. Education in Canadian public administration has undergone some significant changes in the past decade. One of these changes with profound educational implications is the relationship between political science and public administration. The authors examine the nature and extent of this relationship by first discussing the intellectual origins of modern Canadian public administration. This is done by reviewing important aspects of the American wing of the field, pointing out divergences from, as well as contributions to, the Canadian experience. Then Canadian public administration's potential in the political economy tradition is discussed, contrasting the field's early development with the malaise it experienced in the 1960s. Reasons for the field's revival are given, the new programs in Canadian public administration are analysed, and the conditions which have created institutional independence for public administration are critically discussed in light of the uneasiness created in political science by this institutionalization. The authors conclude by arguing that although separation has opened some wounds in field and discipline this institutionalization would, in the long run, leave the study of government and public affairs in both political science and public administration considerably strengthened. Sommaire. L'enseignement de l'administration publique canadienne a subi des modifications importantes au cours des dix dernières années. L'un de ces changements qui a des implications éducatives profondes est le rapport entre le science politique et l'administration publique. Les auteurs examinent la nature et la portée de ce rapport en considérant tout d'abord les origines intellectuelles de l'administration publique contemporaine au Canada. Ils le font en étudiant les aspects importants de l'école américaine de cette discipline et en dégagent ce qui la distingue de l'expérience canadienne ainsi que ce qu'elle a apportéà celle-ci. Ils envisagent le potentiel de l'administration publique canadienne dans la perspective de l'économie politique traditionnelle en opposant ses premiers développements au malaise ressenti pendant les années 60. Ils donnent les raisons du renouveau qui se manifesto dans ce domaine, analysent les nouvelles causes de l'indépendance institutionnelle de l'administration publique à la lumière du malaise créé en science politique par cette institutionalisation. Les auteurs concluent en declarant que bien que la séparation ait été responsable de heurts à la fois théoriques et pratiques, elle renforcera considérablement, à la longue, l'étude du gouvemement et des affaires publiques en science politique comme en administration publique.  相似文献   
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Abstract. This paper explores the historical background, logical contours and policy implications of recent attempts by the Government of Canada to achieve the ‘effectively balanced participation’ of francophones in the federal public service. Historically, various crucial events concerning French Canadian participation in the federal bureaucracy are recounted with an eye to understanding both the roots of present policies and the distinctive inherited elements which shape them. Logically, the generic concept ‘representative bureaucracy’ is employed as a prism for shedding light on its Canadian variant, ‘balanced participation’: the logic of representative bureaucracy and the arguments for and against it are explicated, with concern for how these pertain to the Canadian case. Finally, the foregoing historical and logical elements are brought to bear on the question of sociological proportionality in the federal public service, especially as it might involve the use of quotas. It is maintained that sociological heterogeneity in the federal bureaucracy is a positive value, and that recruitment and promotion procedures should strive to attract people with manifold backgrounds, perspectives and talents. The use of legislated quotas, however, is viewed as an inefficacious and potentially destructive means for addressing this task. With respect to the issue of francophone participation specifically, the adoption of legislated quotas would be superficial and anachronistic.  相似文献   
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