全文获取类型
收费全文 | 247篇 |
免费 | 12篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 16篇 |
工人农民 | 13篇 |
世界政治 | 7篇 |
外交国际关系 | 10篇 |
法律 | 125篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 84篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 8篇 |
2019年 | 6篇 |
2018年 | 15篇 |
2017年 | 11篇 |
2016年 | 11篇 |
2015年 | 13篇 |
2014年 | 8篇 |
2013年 | 37篇 |
2012年 | 6篇 |
2011年 | 6篇 |
2010年 | 7篇 |
2009年 | 9篇 |
2008年 | 10篇 |
2007年 | 6篇 |
2006年 | 4篇 |
2005年 | 8篇 |
2004年 | 10篇 |
2003年 | 13篇 |
2002年 | 5篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 5篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 3篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有259条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
151.
One of the more enduring observations in the study of death penalty support within the United States is the strong divide between males and females. Men have consistently shown significantly higher levels of support for capital punishment than women. This divide between males and females has appeared in nearly every survey, over time, and across a variety of methodological designs. Using data from the cumulative (1972-2002) data file for the National Opinion Research Center (NORC) General Social Surveys, this study attempted to understand the basis for this gender gap. It examined gender differences in socioeconomic status, gender inequality, gender socialization, religion/religiosity, political ideology, positions on right-to-life and other social issues, fear of crime and victimization experience, experience with the criminal justice system, philosophies of punishment, and attribution styles. The findings revealed that the effect of gender on capital punishment support continued to be robust despite controlling for the effects of all of these explanations. 相似文献
152.
Recent research has demonstrated that burglary clusters in space and time, resulting in temporal changes in crime hotspot
patterns. Offender foraging behavior would yield the observed pattern. The offender as forager hypothesis is tested by analyzing
patterns in two types of acquisitive crime, burglary and theft from motor vehicle (TFMV). Using a technique developed to detect
disease contagion confirms that both crime types cluster in space and time as predicted, but that the space–time clustering
of burglary is generally independent of that for TFMV. Police detections indicate that crimes of the same type occurring closest
to each other in space and time are those most likely to be cleared to the same offender(s), as predicted. The implications
of the findings for crime forecasting and crime linkage are discussed.
相似文献
Shane D. JohnsonEmail: |
153.
Recent contributions have used combinatorial algorithms to determine the likelihood of particular social choice violations in rank sum scoring. Given the broad importance of rank sum scoring (e.g., in non-parametric statistical testing, sporting competition, and mathematical competition), it is important to establish the level of ambiguity generated by this aggregation rule. Combinatorial likelihoods are naïve, however, in that they assume each possible outcome sequence for an event to be equally likely. We develop a computational algorithm to extend upon previous combinatorial results as to the likelihood of a violation of transitivity or independence in rank sum scoring. We use a similar computational scoring approach to analyze the empirically-observed likelihood of each such violation across fourteen NCAA Cross Country Championships. Within the data, rank sum scoring fails to specify a robust winning team (i.e., one that also rank sum wins against each possible subset of opponents) in 4 of 14 cases. Overall, we find that empirical likelihoods of social choice violations are consistently (significantly) overestimated by combinatorial expectations. In the NCAA data, we find correlated ability (quality) levels within team (group) and discuss this as a cause of lower empirical likelihoods. Combinatorial analysis proves reliable in predicting the order of empirical likelihoods across violation type and event setting. 相似文献
154.
155.
Will Sanders 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2000,59(3):22-33
In his 1993 Boyer lecture, Getano Lui Jnr called for a change in the status of Torres Strait governance structures within the Australian federation, nominating the centenary of Federation on 1 January 2001 as a possible time for change. In 1996, the Commonwealth Minister for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs initiated a parliamentary committee inquiry into greater autonomy for the people of the Torres Strait, which reported favourably in 1997. This report was not, however, greeted all that favourably by Torres Strait Islanders and it now seems unlikely that any significantly new governance structures for Torres Strait will be in place by the centenary of Federation. This paper attempts to explain why. 相似文献
156.
Will Sanders 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2008,67(2):173-185
This article seeks to understand the role of being a senior manager in Indigenous community governance, particularly though not exclusively in remote Aboriginal communities. It argues against the tendency of would‐be reformers of Indigenous community governance to focus on the competence and ethical qualities of those who occupy these roles and asks instead how can isolated managerialism in Indigenous community governance be overcome? The article begins with an overview of Ralph Folds' analysis of relations between Pintupi settlements and the larger Australian polity. While taking much from Folds' analysis, the article argues that ultimately he relies too heavily on the idea of antithetical worldviews across the settlement interface, on a problematic distinction between the official and private uses of publicly allocated resources and on too idealist a view of the Australian state. The article argues that the state's allocation of public resources inevitably involves a flow of private benefits and that public purposes and private benefits are not different phenomena, but rather different perspectives on state action. In contrast to Folds' idealism about the state, the article outlines a more thoroughly realist or materialist analysis of being a good senior manager in Indigenous community governance. In its concluding section, the article makes some suggestions for overcoming isolated managerialism in Indigenous community governance oganisations. 相似文献
157.
158.
Law and Critique - Can mythology be a form of critical theory in the service of right? From the standpoint of an Enlightenment tradition, the answer is no. Mythology is characterised by... 相似文献
159.
David Sanders 《The Political quarterly》2023,94(2):166-174
The disgraced British prime minister, Boris Johnson, was forced to resign by his own backbench MPs on 7 July 2022 (effective from 6 September) in complete denial that he had done anything wrong. Optimists might argue that this shows the strength of the British political system; that a way was found to throw out a proven rascal, thus providing the opportunity for a restoration of ‘normal politics’. In my view, this optimism is misplaced. Boris Johnson's behaviour, mirroring that of his populist role model, Donald Trump, has raised a number of serious questions about the continued successful functioning of the UK's unwritten constitution. The article reviews the character of Johnson's constitutional violations during his period as prime minister. Using data from a recent survey of UK voters, it then explores the damaging effect that his period in office has had on UK public opinion. Despite his removal from office, Johnson retains a hard core of support across the wider electorate and, in particular, among grassroots Conservative supporters and party members. These supporters remain largely unaware of Johnson's constitutional crimes, and where they do know about them, they forgive them. This creates the real danger either that Johnson may at some future date return to office to repeat his offences, or that a similarly populist successor might deploy the same anti-democratic devices that Johnson himself used in his desperate attempts to cling to power. 相似文献
160.