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161.
近年来中国许多农村地区出生性别比偏高问题,引起社会的广泛关注。封此有大量的调查研究。一般的总结是:对于农村家庭而言,男孩与女孩在家庭养老、劳动能力、经济收入、社会地位等方面的效用差异。农村传统的生育文化、传统生育观念、B超机的普及成为导致农村出生人口性别比偏高的主要原因。本研究通过在广州市农村的调查,发现这些原困正在发生一定的变化,进一步提出有针对性地控制农村出生性别比偏高的政策建议。 相似文献
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Brian Grodsky 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(3):281-297
While the study of transitional justice, and especially truth commissions, has gained in popularity over the past two decades,
the literature is overwhelmingly focused on activities in democratizing states. This introduces a selection bias that interferes
with proper analysis of causes and consequences of transitional justice on a global scale. In this paper, I discuss conditions
under which new repressive elites, and even old repressive elites who survive to rule and repress in nominally new systems,
may choose to launch broad investigations of the past. I argue that such a decision is based on two primary considerations,
the presence of internally or externally based incentives (e.g., foreign aid) and the level of political control enjoyed by
old elites in the new system. I apply this argument to post-Soviet Central Asia, including a detailed case study of Uzbekistan’s
1999 truth commission based on domestic media analysis and local elite interviews.
相似文献
Brian GrodskyEmail: |
166.
Mary Comerford Cooper 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2008,13(1):53-78
China’s distinctive set of stock market institutions was introduced in 1990. Among the characteristics of China’s stock markets
was a strict separation between different categories of investors. Listed companies issued different categories of shares
to state shareholders, domestic corporate investors, domestic individual investors, and foreign investors. By 2005, the barriers
segmenting China’s stock market had been significantly relaxed. Domestic investors were allowed to purchase shares previously
reserved for foreign investors, and approved foreign investors were allowed to purchase shares previously earmarked for domestic
individuals. Nevertheless, a crucial barrier remained. An ongoing debate among Chinese academics, investors, and policy makers
focused on how to resolve the “split share structure” (guquan fen zhi) in which a minority of shares were tradable while the
majority of shares (namely those reserved for domestic corporate and state shareholders) were excluded from the market. The
split share structure was blamed for distorting prices and inhibiting development of the stock market. This paper analyzes
the policy adopted to address the split share structure. To what extent does this policy change reflect new thinking on the
part of China’s market regulators? This paper argues that analysis of policy making in China’s capital markets can help to
distinguish between two competing assessments of China’s political economy. One account sees China pursuing a gradualist strategy,
slowly but steadily expanding the role of markets. Another account sees China trapped in a semi-marketized and increasingly
corrupt development pattern. The implementation of the split share structure reform program provides evidence to support the
gradualist account of incremental, but persistent, reform.
Mary Comerford Cooper is an assistant professor in political science at the Ohio State University. Her recent research focuses
on the politics of financial markets in China and Taiwan. Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Comparative
Politics Research Workshop/ Globalization, Institutions and Economic Security Workshop at Ohio State University in May 2007,
and at the annual meeting of the Association for Chinese Political Studies in July 2007. I benefited greatly from the constructive
and insightful comments of Bj?rn Alpermann, Melanie Barr, Jean-Marc Blanchard, Sarah Brooks, Joseph Fewsmith, Sujian Guo,
Dane Imerman, Ryan Kennedy, Marcus Kurtz, Xiaoyu Pu, James Reilly, Alex Thompson, Daniel Verdier, Jianwei Wang, Alan Wiseman,
Bin Yu, and an anonymous reviewer. I am also grateful for Lan Hu’s exceptional research assistance. All remaining flaws are
purely my own. 相似文献
167.
郑易通 《河南司法警官职业学院学报》2022,20(1):59-64
“互殴与正当防卫的界限模糊”和“唯结果论”的防卫限度标准一直是困扰正当防卫成立的主要问题。对河南省的实证研究发现,基于刑法教义学理论研究成果出台的正当防卫指导案例,并未有效地解决这两个问题。该种情况的出现是因为其忽视了当下我国社会转型过程中出现的“风险”因素,更深层次的原因则是因为该指导案例所秉持的古典刑法理念,背离了我国当今社会转型中对刑法安全需求,以及坚持对法益概念的实质化理解,忽视了刑法的预防功能与法益的抽象化与精神化。基于风险刑法的理论与定位,应确立以预防为核心的指导理念和以功能主义的刑法解释为目标的解释方法,破解正当防卫的适用难题。 相似文献
168.
郑在义 《国家检察官学院学报》2008,16(1):133-141
2007年11月10日-11日,"中国法学会商法学研究会2007年年会"在广州中山大学举行.年会的学术议题为"和谐社会构建中的商法建设",集中讨论了四个议题:商事通则的制定与商法体系的完善、商人团体(商会、行业协会等)的法律问题、破产法实施问题和保险法的修改与完善. 相似文献
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婚姻关系的法理阐释——重读马克思《论离婚法草案》而感发 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
科学揭示婚姻关系的本质属性是婚姻立法与司法的理论前提。马克思在《论离婚法草案》中指明了婚姻关系乃是世俗社会的伦理关系 ,它的外在表现形式便是家庭这一“伦理实体” ;婚姻法律制度则是婚姻这种基本伦理关系的承认与保护。由婚姻关系的伦理本质所决定 ,关于离婚的立法原则应当以现实社会的普遍伦理价值为标准 ,并具体化为离婚成立的诸种客观条件 ,从而使司法在离婚案件上的功能更多地由立法来承担。 相似文献