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171.
ABSTRACTThe empirical assessment of how signatories of human rights conventions comply with their obligations has, so far, yielded conflicting results, especially regarding the compliance mechanisms that are the most promising to ensure improving human rights records. We argue that this is due to the fact that differences in compliance systems have been neglected and that different compliance mechanisms have been assessed in isolation, without considering possible interactions. To analyze this argument, we propose a novel way to assess the effect of these mechanisms by relying on a Markov-transition model. Our results show that human rights violations are time dependent and that the effect of independent variables is conditional on previous human rights violations as well as on the strength of human rights compliance systems. 相似文献
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Simon Shen 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2010,15(2):191-203
This article examines the next stage in the movement towards self-government in rural China: that is, the direct election
of town-level executives. Theoretically, as the article asserts, with the mechanisms and statutes currently in place, direct
elections at the town level could generate a two-pronged disaffection. First, there may be alienation between the executives
directly elected at the town level and those already directly elected at the village level, namely a “vertical organizational
alienation.” Second, there may be alienation between the directly elected “town executives” and the town legislature (People’s
Congress), namely a “horizontal governmental alienation.” After describing the possible points of confrontation, the article
concludes by proposing how such discord can be prevented from arising and suggests that until the potential problems attendant
on these elections have been successfully tackled direct elections at the town level should not be extended into other regions. 相似文献
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176.
Kath Checkland Jonathan Hammond Anna Coleman Julie Macinnes Rasa Mikelyte Sarah Croke Jenny Billings Simon Bailey Pauline Allen 《Public administration》2023,101(2):463-480
Research has demonstrated that pilots contain multiple shifting purposes, not all of which relate to simple policy testing or refinement. Judging the success of policy pilots is therefore complex, requiring more than a simple judgment against declared goals. Marsh and McConnell provide a framework against which policy success can be judged, distinguishing program success from process and political success. We adapt Boven's modification of this framework and apply it to policy pilots, arguing that pilot process, outcomes and longer-term effects can all be judged in both program and political terms. We test this new framework in a pilot program in the English National Health Service, the Vanguard program, showing how consideration of these different aspects of success sheds light on the program and its aftermath. We consider the implications of the framework for the comprehensive and multifaceted evaluation of policy pilots. 相似文献
177.
Simon Starling 《Development in Practice》2010,20(2):277-286
This article examines Oxfam GB's learning from its attempts to improve monitoring and evaluation (M&E) processes within a global advocacy campaign. It outlines the Climate Change campaign team's practical experience of piloting different approaches to M&E, and the lessons emerging from the process. The experience suggests that while some ‘traditional’ elements of M&E are helpful in advocacy work, a greater focus on light, real-time monitoring systems is necessary. The findings highlight the organisational as well as methodological challenges of integrating M&E into advocacy campaigns: without a culture that rewards reflection and learning, improvements in staff capacities or data-collection systems will not be sustained. Indeed, the process of improving M&E practice mirrors that of an advocacy campaign itself, requiring analysis of power relations, opportunities, and constraints; monitoring of progress; and adapting plans on the basis of on-going learning. Finally, the article suggests possible ways forward, based on experience. 相似文献
178.
A City‐wide Investigation of the Isotopic Distribution and Source of Tap Waters for Forensic Human Geolocation Ground‐truthing 下载免费PDF全文
Human geolocation is prefaced on the accuracy of the geographic precision of mapped isotopic values for drinking water. As most people live in cities, it becomes important to understand city water supplies and how the isotopic values uniquely reflect that city. This study investigated the isotopic distribution of δ2H and δ18O from sourced tap waters that were collected from across the Metro Vancouver (MV) area (n = 135). The results revealed that the isotopic values reflect their water sources with a range of 5.3‰ for δ18Otap and 29.3‰ for δ2Htap for MV. The results indicate that individual cities need higher resolution studies to determine their tap water isotopic ranges, and a good understanding of the water supply network itself for human geolocation work. With an extended high‐resolution understanding of each city, human tissue may be compared with more certainty for geolocation. 相似文献
179.
Falko Bell 《Intelligence & National Security》2016,31(4):556-578
During the Second World War, secret information derived from enemy prisoners of war (POWs) was a valuable asset to British intelligence. Until 1944, the POW system had expanded from a small interrogation camp in the Tower of London to a multi-step structure with the so-called Combined Services Detailed Interrogation Centre, United Kingdom (CSDIC(UK)) at its top. The methods employed to collect reliable information included microphones, stool pigeons and different interrogation techniques. The results were read by all services and several ministries which provided a unique insight into German capabilities, intentions and thoughts. 相似文献
180.
Simon Hix 《The Political quarterly》2016,87(2):200-208
The UK has influenced some major EU policies, such as the creation of the single market and enlargement. But how influential are the UK government and British MEPs in the day‐to‐day EU legislative process? To answer this question, this article analyses recent data from the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament. The evidence is mixed. In the Council, in recent years the UK government has been outvoted more often than any other EU government, yet UK officials remain well connected ‘behind the scenes’. In the European Parliament, British MEPs are now more likely to be on the losing side than are the MEPs of any other member state, yet British MEPs still win key committee chairs and rapporteurships. The evidence suggests that if the UK votes to remain in the EU, Britain's political elites will need to re‐engage with Brussels politics if the UK is to avoid becoming further marginalised from mainstream EU politics. 相似文献