Identity and learning in international volunteerism: ‘Sport for Development and Peace’ internships

Young sportspersons now serve abroad within the ‘Sport for Development and Peace’ (SDP) movement. Drawing on interviews with former interns from Commonwealth Games Canada's Canadian Sports Leadership Corps programme, this study explored what interns brought to, and learnt from, international SDP service. Interns confronted notions of expertise and privilege and, in some cases, considered the limits of Northern development stewardship. Interns also experienced a sense of ‘First World guilt’ that secured their sense of self at the expense of deeper engagements with inequality and struggles for development justice. Based on these findings, recommendations for supporting future volunteers are considered.

Identité et apprentissage dans le volontariat international : stages « Sport for Development and Peace »

De jeunes sportifs sont désormais actifs à l'étranger dans le cadre du mouvement « Sport for Development and Peace » (SDP - Sport pour le développement et la paix ). Sur la base d'entretiens avec d'anciens stagiaires du programme du Groupe canadien de leadership dans le sport des Jeux du Commonwealth Canada, cette étude a examiné ce que les stagiaires ont apporté au service SDP et ont appris de ce dernier. Les stagiaires se sont confrontés aux notions de connaissances spécialisées et de privilège et, dans certains cas, ont réfléchi aux limites de la gestion du développement émanant du Nord. Les stagiaires ont aussi ressenti une mesure de « culpabilité du Premier Monde » qui a renforcé leur sentiment de soi aux dépens d'engagements plus approfondis contre l'inégalité et de luttes pour la justice en matière de développement. Sur la base de ces conclusions, des recommandations pour soutenir les volontaires futurs sont considérées.

Identidade e Aprendizado no Voluntariado Internacional: Estágios do Esporte para Desenvolvimento e Paz

Jovens esportistas agora atuam no exterior dentro do movimento “Esporte para Desenvolvimento e Paz” (SDP). Baseando-se em entrevistas com antigos internos do programa “Canadian Sports Leadership Corps” do Commonwealth Games Canada, este estudo examinou a contribuição dos internos ao serviço do SDP internacional e o que eles aprenderam com este serviço. Os internos confrontaram noções de conhecimento e privilégio e, em alguns casos, consideraram os limites da liderança do desenvolvimento do hemisfério norte. Os internos também vivenciaram uma sensação de “culpa do Primeiro Mundo” que assegurou a consciência do seu eu às custas de engajamentos mais profundos com desigualdade e lutas por justiça de desenvolvimento. Com base nestes resultados, as recomendações para apoiar voluntários futuros são consideradas.

Identidad y aprendizaje en el voluntariado internacional: pasantías del programa Deportes para el Desarrollo y la Paz

Actualmente varios deportistas jóvenes cooperan en el extranjero en el marco del movimiento “Deportes para el Desarrollo y la Paz” (DDP). Basándose en entrevistas a excooperantes del programa Cuerpo de Líderes Deportivos Canadienses de los Juegos de la Mancomunidad en Canadá, este ensayo analiza lo que los cooperantes aportaron a y aprendieron de su experiencia internacional en el DDP. Los cooperantes afrontaron juicios de experiencia y privilegio y, en algunos casos, reflexionaron sobre los límites de la gestión basada en el desarrollo del Norte. Los cooperantes experimentaron la “culpabilidad del Primer Mundo”, que si bien provocó la autoreflexión, se hizo a costa de un compromiso más profundo contra la desigualdad y por la lucha a favor de la justicia en el desarrollo. En función de estos resultados, el ensayo formula recomendaciones para el apoyo a futuros voluntarios.     

The Electoral Sweet Spot: Low‐Magnitude Proportional Electoral Systems

Can electoral rules be designed to achieve political ideals such as accurate representation of voter preferences and accountable governments? The academic literature commonly divides electoral systems into two types, majoritarian and proportional, and implies a straightforward trade‐off by which having more of an ideal that a majoritarian system provides means giving up an equal measure of what proportional representation (PR) delivers. We posit that these trade‐offs are better characterized as nonlinear and that one can gain most of the advantages attributed to PR, while sacrificing less of those attributed to majoritarian elections, by maintaining district magnitudes in the low to moderate range. We test this intuition against data from 609 elections in 81 countries between 1945 and 2006. Electoral systems that use low‐magnitude multimember districts produce disproportionality indices almost on par with those of pure PR systems while limiting party system fragmentation and producing simpler government coalitions.     

The Origins &; Meaning of Liberal/Conservative Self-Identifications Revisited

This paper examines the permanence of differences in the psychological underpinnings of ideological self-identifications. Previous research has suggested that conservatives differ from liberals insofar as their self-identifications as such are best explained as the product of a negative reaction (both to liberalism generally and to the groups associated with it in particular) rather than a positive embrace. However, this paper demonstrates that the dynamics underlying the formation of ideological self-identifications are not static reflections of inherent differences in liberal and conservative psychologies but rather evolve in response to changes in the political environment. Whereas feelings (positive or negative) toward liberalism played a decisive role in shaping individuals’ ideological self-identifications during the New Deal/Great Society era of liberal and Democratic political hegemony, the subsequent resurgence of political conservatism produced a decisive shift in the bases of liberal and conservative self-identifications. In particular, just as conservative self-identifications once primarily represented a reaction against liberalism and its associated symbols, hostility toward conservatism and its associated symbols has in recent years become an increasingly important source of liberal self-identifications.     

The fate of the chemical warfare agent during DNA extraction

Forensic laboratories do not have the infrastructure to process or store contaminated DNA samples that have been recovered from a crime scene contaminated with chemical or biological warfare agents. Previous research has shown that DNA profiles can be recovered from blood exposed to several chemical warfare agents after the agent has been removed. The fate of four toxic agents, sulfur mustard, sodium 2-fluoroacetate, sarin, and diazinon, in a lysis buffer used in Promega DNA IQ extraction protocol was studied to determine if extraction would render the samples safe. Two independent analytical methods were used per agent, selected from GC-MS, 1H NMR, 19F NMR, (31)P NMR, or LC-ES MS. The methods were validated before use. Determinations were carried out in a semi-quantitative way, by direct comparison to standards. Agent levels in the elution buffer were found to be below the detectable limits for mustard, sarin, sodium 2-fluoroacetate or low (<0.02 mg/mL) for diazinon. Therefore, once extracted these DNA samples could be safely processed in a forensic laboratory.     

Does the 'Personal Employment Contract' Provide a Basis for the Reunification of Employment Law?

This article considers Mark Freedland's idea, at the core ofThe Personal Employment Contract, that a unified body of employmentlaw for ‘employees’ and ‘workers’ isboth feasible and desirable. It discusses the origins of thedivision between employees and the self-employed, and considerswhether the rediscovery of the worker concept in the 1990s hasprovided the hoped-for solution to problems concerning the coverageof employment legislation. More generally, it seeks to takeup Freedland's challenge to reconceptualise the employment relationshipas a ‘personal employment contract’ covering bothemployees and the dependent self-employed.     

Counterfeiting as corporate externality: intellectual property crime and global insecurity

Corporate negative externalities occur when corporations place some of the costs of their profit-seeking activity onto society. This paper suggests that the current global problem of intellectual property crime is such an externality, and that it has not been recognised as such because corporations present product counterfeiting and piracy as crimes which reduce their revenue, rather than as predictable side effects of corporate production and merchandising, including branding activity, which have considerable socially deleterious consequences. It is argued that corporate actors are responsible for the socially harmful effects of the global counterfeiting problem in the following respects. Branding, advertising, and other corporate activities drive the market for goods which have a fashion value over and above their use value. While corporations ‘create’ this desire, they cannot prevent it being applied to the desire for fake or replica goods. Outsourcing of corporate production activities to developing countries to take advantage of cheap manufacturing and labour costs presents considerable opportunities to producers in those countries to copy and distribute the goods in an unauthorised way. Serious measures are not taken against product counterfeiters by rights-holding corporations, since market expediency dictates that the costs of counterfeiting are not so adverse to corporations to incentivise them to change their business methods. Counterfeit and pirated goods cause a range of social harms above and beyond the spuriously-costed financial damage corporate rights-holders suggest they suffer - these include the health and safety issues created by some fake goods, and the creation and maintenance of highly profitable organised crime activity in international markets for fake goods.