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Rachel F. Rodgers Elizabeth Donovan Tara Cousineau Kayla Yates Kayla McGowan Elizabeth Cook Alice S. Lowy Debra L. Franko 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2018,47(7):1363-1372
Mobile interventions promoting positive body image are lacking. This study presents a randomized controlled evaluation of BodiMojo, a mobile application (app) intervention grounded in self-compassion to promote positive body image. A sample of 274 adolescents, mean (SD) age?=?18.36 (1.34) years, 74% female, were allocated to a control group or used BodiMojo for 6 weeks. Appearance esteem, body image flexibility, appearance comparison, mood, and self-compassion were assessed at baseline, 6, and 12 weeks. Significant time by group interactions emerged for appearance esteem and self-compassion, with appearance esteem and self-compassion increasing in the intervention relative to the control group. These findings provide preliminary support for BodiMojo, a cost-effective mobile app for positive body image. 相似文献
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Claudia Fournier Louise Hamelin Brabant Sophie Dupéré Line Chamberland 《Journal of immigrant & refugee studies》2018,16(3):331-350
This integrative literature review synthesizes recent empirical knowledge about lesbian and gay immigrants' post-migration experiences. Twenty-four studies with various designs are included. The literature shows that those immigrants encounter some opportunities but also many challenges on economical, social and identity levels, thus soliciting coping strategies. Results are synthesized under five topics: the delicate situation in which they find themselves for revealing their lesbian or gay sexual orientation; the racist and homophobic discrimination they can experience; their renegotiation of socioeconomic status; the identity and affiliation challenges they have to overcome; and the hardships that can impact their health. 相似文献
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Over the last years, AI applications have come to play a role in many security‐related fields. In this paper, we show that scholars who want to study AI’s link to power and security should widen their perspective to include conceptual approaches from science and technology studies (STS). This way, scholars can pay attention to critical dynamics, processes, practices, and non‐traditional actors in AI politics and governance. We introduce two STS‐inspired concepts – the micro‐politics of design and development and co‐production – and show how the study of AI and security could benefit from them. In the final section, we turn to the study of AI in the context of Switzerland to underscore what aspects the two previously introduced concepts help to highlight that remain invisible for traditional approaches. 相似文献
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Donald L. Yates Vijayan K. Pillai Phyllis E. Berry 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2008,33(2):282-296
Mediation as a response to domestic abuse would seem a promising direction in curbing domestic battering among offenders with
a low stake in conformity. This study compares the effects of mediation verses arrest on two general types of domestic abusers;
one category with a high school education or above and is presently employed, while the other category comprising individuals
with less than a high school education and are currently unemployed. Pooled data from three of the original group of six Minneapolis
Domestic Violence Project cities are used in this study. The findings show unemployed Blacks with less than a high school
education who were mediated were significantly less likely to have re-offended within six months than unemployed non-Blacks
similarly mediated with less than a high school education. Also, unemployed Blacks with less than a high school education
not mediated were significantly more likely to re-offend than unemployed non-Blacks with less than a high school education
and not mediated. Finally, among those in the sample unemployed with less than a high school education and mediated were significantly
less likely to re-offend compared to those not mediated. The findings are consistent with seeing mediation as a viable police
strategy in curbing domestic abuse among jobless and undereducated offenders. 相似文献
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Martin Killias Patrice Villettaz Sophie Nunweiler-Hardegger 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2016,22(4):619-634
Assess the impact of a 100-per cent increase of fines on compliance with speed-limits (50 km/h) and parking regulations in urban areas. Norm violations were measured through standardized observations in all five major cities in Switzerland before and after fines had been raised by 100 % or more at two pre- and two post-intervention periods. The speed of 20,000 cars was measured, and 10,000 parked cars were controlled. Levels of police controls remained stable over the entire period, but enforcement activity varied considerably across cities. Violations of parking regulations decreased by 32 %. Speed-limit violations remained unaffected in the longer run by higher fines. When cities without relevant enforcement activity were excluded, a reduction by 17 % was observed. No causal inferences can be drawn given the absence of a control area. However, the data suggest that higher fines deter traffic violations, provided enforcement activity remains at relevant levels. 相似文献
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Sophie Panel 《安全研究》2017,26(2):333-358
Prior studies find that military dictatorships display a high propensity to initiate militarized interstate disputes (MIDs). Yet, there is little agreement on which feature of military regimes can best explain this behavior. This article distinguishes between three potential causes: coup risk, the dictator's affiliation with the military, and the military's influence on politics. Using recent data on authoritarian regimes, I find that, whereas coup risk is a strong predictor of conflict initiation, the dictator's affiliation does not affect his foreign policy. Furthermore, I find tentative evidence that the military's influence on domestic politics has a negative effect on MID initiation. These findings thus challenge the view that military regimes' foreign policy is due to the military's organizational culture: the relationship between military regimes and dispute initiation seems to be due to factors that simply happen to add up in military autocracies but are essentially unrelated to regime type. 相似文献