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91.
Andrew O. Ballard Ryan DeTamble Spencer Dorsey Michael Heseltine Marcus Johnson 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2023,48(1):105-144
Affective polarization is pervasive in modern US politics, and can be intensified by strategic messaging from members of Congress. But there are gaps in our knowledge of the dynamics of polarizing appeals from elected representatives on social media. We explore the usage of polarizing rhetoric by members of Congress on Twitter using the 4.9 million tweets sent by members of Congress from 2009 to 2020, coded for the presence of polarizing rhetoric via a novel and highly accurate application of supervised machine learning methods. Fitting with our expectations, we find that more ideologically extreme members, those from safer districts, and those who are not in the president’s party are more likely to send polarizing tweets, and that polarizing tweets garner more engagement, increasing campaign funding for more polarizing members. 相似文献
92.
This study examined university students' attitudes about attributing blame in incidents of domestic violence. The Domestic Violence Blame Scale (DVBS), which measures the attribution of blame for domestic violence to situational, perpetrator, societal, and victim factors, was used. The DVBS was administered to a voluntary sample of university students. Significant gender differences were found, with male students more likely to attribute blame to the victim for domestic violence than female students. Significant differences were also found between students with and without a prior history of violence in their family of origin. Students with prior experience of violence were more likely than their counterparts to ascribe blame for domestic violence to societal factors. 相似文献
93.
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95.
Little difference was noted inTrichoplusia ni (Hüb.) reared for four generations on diets prepared with carrageenan or sodium alginate. Larvae developed faster on the
carrageenan medium (a possible preadaptation or because of a difference in the ascorbic acid levels), and more eggs hatched
from the sodium alginate medium. The use of sodium alginate would reduce the costs of diet ingredients and formulation.
Zusammenfassung Keine wesentliche Differenz wurde festgestellt, wennTrichoplusia ni für vier Generationen an Di?ten mit Carrageen (1) oder mit Natrium-Alginat (2) gro?gezogen wurden. Die Larven entwickelten sich schneller an (1) (m?glicherweise eine Pr?adaption oder als Folge einer Differenz im Ascorbins?uregehalt), der Larvenschlupf war bei (2) h?her. Die Verwendung von (2) senkt die Kosten für Di?tsubstanzen und für die Formulierung.相似文献
96.
E. Spencer Wellhofer 《Scandinavian political studies》1985,8(3):171-185
Latent Variable Partial Least Squares analysis has been used to model the impact of political party organization on stable and changing patterns of party vote in Norway from 1945 to 1977. For the Norwegian Labor Party, the elaboration of a strategy of organizational encapsulation is at least as important as the economic base for maintaining the stability of the party's electoral support; it also depresses support for the opposition parties. Short-run fluctuations around the long-run stability, however, are more influence by economic changes than party organizational strategies, with the exception of the divisive 1973 election, when party organization was important for maintaining the party vote. For the non-Labor parties, party organization is less important than economic variables. 相似文献
97.
We examine the dissent voting record of the Bank of England Monetary Policy Committee. Contrary to findings in the FOMC literature (for example Havrilesky and Schweitzer in The Political Economy of American Monetary Policy, pp. 197?C210, 1990; Chappell et al. in Q. J. Econ. 108(1):185?C218, 1993), the effects of members?? career backgrounds and the political channel of appointment on voting behavior are negligible, reflecting the distinct institutional constraints and incentives associated with UK monetary policy. Our findings also suggest that literature which characterizes voting behavior as being predominantly determined by members?? internal or external status is overly simplistic. This view is supported by econometric results appertaining to the introduction of member-specific fixed-effects, which account for possible unobserved heterogeneity. 相似文献
98.
Dale Spencer 《Critical Criminology》2011,19(3):197-212
Since the mid 1990s, a strand of criminology emerged that is concerned with the co-constitution of crime and culture under
the general rubric of ‘cultural criminology’. In the titles Cultural Criminology Unleashed and Cultural Criminology: An Invitation, criminologists spearheading this brand of criminology make claims for its originality and its status as a subversive alternative
to conventional criminological approaches to studies of crime and deviance. The basis for the ‘new’ cultural criminology is
its ostensible ability to account for the culture and subcultures of crime, the criminalization of cultural and subcultural
activities, and the politics of criminalization. This paper offers a comparison of cultural criminology to 1960s and 1970s
labeling theory to assess whether or not cultural criminology has developed a grammar of critique capable of resolving fundamental
contradictions that haunt critical criminology and contesting contemporary administrative criminology. Points of comparison
are made through ontological categories of power and criminal identity and a consideration of the epistemological categories
of the respective bodies of literature. 相似文献
99.
Shortly after 9/11 any kind of engagement, let alone reconciliation, with the Taliban was considered absurd. Recently, however, Afghan as well as Western elites have announced that they are now willing to talk to parts of the Taliban in an attempt to begin a reconciliation process in Afghanistan. This article focuses on the discourse theoretical framework developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe and illustrates the merits of such an approach for explaining how such a shift became possible. It argues that the turn to reconciliation with the Taliban was enabled by a transformation of the discursive construction of the Taliban. The article focuses on the discursive dynamics of the (de)coupling and differentiation of signifiers as a central mechanism of meaning production. It argues that antagonistic identity constructions in the context of the global war on terror formed the discursive background against which the Taliban were first articulated as part of the terrorist “Other”, which made any engagement impossible. From 2009 onwards, however, it can be observed how the signifier “Taliban” was decoupled from the identity of the “terrorist”, how it transcended the antagonistic frontier and came to be seen as an entity worthy of engagement. 相似文献
100.
Dale C. Spencer 《Contemporary Justice Review》2013,16(1):87-103
Events of victimization that upend young lives and expose them to conditions of precarity are examined. Drawing on Judith Butler’s recent reflections on precarity, this article contributes to the extant critical victimology literature by linking precarity to selfhood and narrative. Narrative analysis is used to analyze two young people – Beatrice and Randall – who experienced sexual victimization and a number of subsequent victimizations at the hands of corporate and state organizations. To account for these subsequent persecutions, the concept of compounding victimization to expose the link between successive victimization that intensifies the experience of precarity. 相似文献