全文获取类型
收费全文 | 267篇 |
免费 | 9篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 17篇 |
工人农民 | 22篇 |
世界政治 | 25篇 |
外交国际关系 | 7篇 |
法律 | 103篇 |
中国政治 | 5篇 |
政治理论 | 94篇 |
综合类 | 3篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 5篇 |
2018年 | 4篇 |
2017年 | 4篇 |
2016年 | 6篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 4篇 |
2013年 | 28篇 |
2011年 | 5篇 |
2009年 | 5篇 |
2008年 | 9篇 |
2007年 | 7篇 |
2006年 | 2篇 |
2005年 | 7篇 |
2004年 | 9篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 7篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 10篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 8篇 |
1995年 | 8篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 7篇 |
1991年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 6篇 |
1989年 | 6篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 7篇 |
1986年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 10篇 |
1983年 | 5篇 |
1982年 | 5篇 |
1981年 | 4篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1979年 | 6篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 4篇 |
1976年 | 3篇 |
1975年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 2篇 |
1972年 | 3篇 |
1971年 | 2篇 |
1969年 | 3篇 |
1968年 | 3篇 |
1967年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有276条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
建立欧中战略伙伴关系是2004年在海牙举行的欧盟-中国峰会上确立的目标,虽然在2004年和2005年欧中峰会之间的9个月里,欧中之间的联系加强了,但是直到2005年12月,欧洲理事会才授权欧盟委员会就签署一项伙伴合作协定与中国进行谈判. 相似文献
2.
3.
Stanley L. Paulson 《Law and Philosophy》1994,13(3):313-359
For helpful suggestions and criticism I am grateful to Delf Buchwald (Göttingen), Malte Dießelhorst (Göttingen), Ralf Dreier (Göttingen), Bonnie Litschewski Paulson (Göttingen and St. Louis), Martin Schulte (Münster), Alexander Somek (Vienna), and Kenneth I. Winston (Boston). In correspondence, Walter Ott (Zurich) and Carola Vulpius (Dresden) responded in a most helpful way to my queries. 相似文献
4.
5.
Christopher Stanley 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1996,26(1):1-25
This essay offers both a critique of the theory and practice of criminology and an alternative programme via a sketch of a cultural criminology utilising cultural and literary analysis. The first part of the essay calls for the problematisation of the issues of value and representation in the criminological project and offers a competing account of the theoretical basis of the project of criminology based upon a cultural politics of difference and the ethics of radical alterity. The second part of the essay is a demonstration of how this theoretical basis might operate in practice through a cultural criminological reading of Maurice Blanchot's novelThe Most High (1948, 1996). This novel is an account of the relationship between language and transgression in a totalitarian society at the end of history. An alteration in the discursive practices of the criminological project premised upon a competing theoretical perspective suggests that criminology (specifically the relation between law and transgression, deviancy and regulation) can become an important element in explanations regarding the organisation and disorganisation of contemporary urban culture utilising the strengths of its prior application (specifically narratology) and abandoning its fear of culture. 相似文献
6.
7.
Tinpots,Totalitarians (and Democrats): An Empirical Investigation of the Effects of Economic Growth on Civil Liberties and Political Rights 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Ronald Wintrobe (1990, 1998) has recently provided atheoretical foundation for estimating equations that attemptto explain the dependence of civil liberties and politicalrights in non-democratic regimes on the history of economicgrowth. This theory suggests that data from different kinds ofnon-democratic countries should not be pooled without allowingcoefficients to vary with regime type. It also placesinteresting restrictions on the signs of the coefficients ofeconomic growth in equations explaining freedom in the typesof regimes Wintrobe identifies. In this paper, we employ theserestrictions to test Wintrobe's theory. Some additionalhypotheses about the difference between democratic andnon-democratic regimes and about the role of education, notconsidered by Wintrobe, are also investigated.The results indicate clearly that the relationship between thedegree of freedom – as measured by the sum of the Gastilindexes of civil liberties and political rights – andeconomic growth varies significantly across all types ofregimes. Totalitarians (that attempt to maximize power) areclearly different than tinpots (that just attempt to maintainpower) in this respect, and non-democratic regimes differ fromdemocracies. Other aspects of the theory are partiallyconfirmed. In particular, in totalitarian regimes, positivegrowth reduces freedom, and negative growth increases it insome specifications. The theory predicts the opposite patternfor tinpots, and we do find that negative growth reducesfreedom in tinpot regimes. However, positive growth in tinpotsalso appears to reduce freedom in some cases, which is not inaccord with the theory. Secondary schooling has a positive effect on freedom, as inprevious empirical work, a result that is shown here to holdeven when each type of regime is considered separately. Butthe effect of primary schooling is different: in tinpot andtotalitarian regimes, but not in democracies, primaryschooling is associated with reduced freedom. 相似文献
8.
Stanley Lubman 《当代中国》2004,13(40):541-565
In congressional debate on China‐related issues, alliances of partisans of single issues of high symbolic significance to some Americans insist vocally on strongly negative views of China that often caricature a complex society and foster unconstructive moralizing rather than analysis of the problems that they address. By demonizing China they obstruct the formulation and maintenance of a coherent American policy toward China and weaken Congress' contribution to making US policy. Members of Congress who favor engagement and look to a future in which they hope economic and political reform will grow in a China benefited by trade, foreign investment, and a peaceful international environment cannot display the moral certainty affected in congressional debates by the most outspoken critics. A variety of reasons underlie the demonizing of China in Congress, including some ignorance (willful or not) and reliance on lobbyists and poorly informed staff. Distorted images deform the contribution that Congress makes to the formulation of US China policy and cloud the perceptions of China held by some members and, derivatively, by many of their constituents among the American people. 相似文献
9.
Stanley L. Winer Michael W. Tofias Bernard Grofman John H. Aldrich 《Public Choice》2008,135(3-4):415-448
We investigate the role of Congress in the growth of federal public expenditure since 1930, building on the work of Kau and Rubin (Public Choice, 113:389–402, 2002). The model incorporates majority party strength and the extent of party control of Congress in addition to the median ideological position of elected representatives. We first provide estimates of the relative importance of the state of Congress and of trending supply and demand-side economic factors in the evolution of federal spending. The resulting models are then used to simulate the consequences of the radical and historically unprecedented shift to the right of Congress in 1994/95. 相似文献
10.
Stanley R. Bailey 《拉美政治与社会》2009,51(4):69-99
Brazil has an “African‐origin” population that is proportionally more than four times larger that of African Americans in the United States, but white Brazilians mostly dominate electoral politics. How do ordinary citizens explain this phenomenon? Drawing on a large‐sample survey of public opinion in the state of Rio de Janeiro, this article explores perceived explanations for nonwhite underrepresentation in the political arena. It also examines attitudes toward a particular black candidate, Benedita da Silva, to discern the state of negro identity politics. Most Brazilians in Rio de Janeiro cite racial prejudice to explain nonwhite exclusion, although whites do this less than nonwhites. Indicators of a racial undercurrent in political preferences suggest the importance of allegiances based on perceived common racial origins. Class is robustly associated with voting preferences, suggesting that, in contrast to the United States, class differences among nonwhites in Brazil could attenuate the success of negro identity politics. 相似文献